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Frangipani's Ring
An Event in the Life
of
Henry Thode
I*
'Here changeth Time to Space.'
Parsifal
Translated by
J. F. C. L.
With Marginal Designs by
Hans Thoma
And Twelve Photc^raphic Reproductions
London : John Macqueen
MD.CCCC
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Frangipäni's Ring.
After a Drawing by Baron Friedrich von Puteani.
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THE n::--; t:?.\
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From One to his Own.
1 2th October 1894.
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Contents.
Chap. Page
Introduction : How I came to possess the Ring i
I. The Germans in Pordenone 9
II. The Race of the Frangipani 15
III. Christoph Frangipani in the War with Venice 24
IV. The Langs of Wellenburg 31
V. The Combats in Friuli, 1514 38
VI. In the Torresella 49
VII. Disappointed Hopes 64
VIII. Willingly Thine Own yy
IX. The Lost Ring 86
X. Companions in Suffering 94
XI. " Ready to endure the Uttermost ! " 106
XII. Christoph's End 112
Finale: In Ober-Vellach 126
Appendix
Preface 139
I. Documents —
A. Abstracts relating to the Discovery of the Ring . . 14 1
B. Abstracts from the State Archives of the City of Venice 142
C. Letters 147
D. Abstracts relating to the Lang Family of Wellenburg 154
II. Maximilian and Apollonia 163
III. The Germano- Roman Breviary of 1518 . . . . . . 165
IV. The Oration of Count Christoph to Pope Hadrian VI. . 168
Literature 176
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Introduction.
How I came to possess the Ring.
" He, by this ring, shall call me to remembrance."
Lohengrin.
ST was a morning hour of the 17th of February, in the year 1892,
when I entered the quiet little corner room of St Mark's
Library set apart for those studying its ancient manuscripts.
I asked for the old Chronicle of Daniele Barbaro, and was
lost to my surroundings in his vivid descriptions of the glories
of Venetian life during the Middle Ages, when the approaching
voice of the librarian, Count C. Soranzo, — so well known to all
visitors at the Library for his unwearied, instructive, and manifold
counsel, — recalled me abruptly to the present. " Only look at what has
just been brought me. An old ring, found by peasants while digging out
a ditch; a ring with finely incised ornament and a legend in Gothic
script. The device is certainly German; can you possibly decipher it
forme?"
I took the hoop from his hand, and the first glance at it showed me
that it was the work of a German goldsmith of the late Gothic period,
about the year 1500; possibly, also, from the shop of one of the
Augsburg Masters who gave so much beautiful art-work to the world. It
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was remarkably well preserved, and the slight — ^almost imperceptible —
abrasions clearly indicated that it could only have been worn for a very
short time. The inner side of the ring was highly polished, and the outer,
which was rounded, showed two intertwined ribands passing diagonally
across the surface ; one of them bearing a design in waving outlines, and
the other the words of a motto in Gothic script, terminated in the corners
by delicate curling foliage. The lettering was sharply and clearly cut,
yet in spite of this I had some difficulty in reading it, and I paused in the
endeavour to ask the bringer of the jewel from whom he had received it.
On being informed that its present owners — two peasants — were waiting
in the anteroom, I hastened thither, and from them learned that a work-
man, Antonio Meneghel fu Paolo, on the 8th of January 1892, while digging
out a ditch in the neighbourhood of Prata, near Pordenone in Friuli, in a
place named Castellat, had found the ring lying some six or seven feet
below the surface of the ground — in the old weir formerly used for
damming back the waters of the Meduna River.
After a short parley with the peasants, who had full authority from the
fortunate discoverer and were come to Venice with the intention of selling
the ring, I took it for my own, with the feeling that destiny had made me
the inheritor of a mysterious treasure which had been brought to light
after having lain hidden for centuries. Slipping the ring on my finger I
was soon lost in scrutinising it, and as my eye followed the delicate play
of the lines, the letters of the inscription began to take definite shape and
to group themselves together into words — following one another in legible
form — and I read —
"Willingly thine own!"
I read the words — no ! I heard them I
Out of a distant past over which four hundred years had rolled there
rang clear and distinct in my ears the sweet tones of a woman's voice as
she entrusted the wonders of her heart to her beloved, and gave herself
and her spirit in blessed renunciation into his care and keeping, not
through the constraining will of another but from the depths of inmost
necessity — " mit Willen dein eigen " — " Willingly thine own 1 "
And touched as was he to whom this voice promised the joy of the
whole earth, I listened silently for its echo in myself.
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So I returned home in the bonds of an enchantment that had broken
down the barriers of Time and of Space, and was drawing me farther and
farther into an unknown world. There, in a grey twilight that had not
as yet brightened into morning, shadowy forms drew near and floated
past in ever-changing variety ; and there I lingered, seeking and waiting,
listening and hoping that one of them would hear, recognise, and follow
the mighty words — " mit Willen dein eigen."
Not singly, but in multitudes did these alluring shades wreathe them-
selves about me ; but whenever I strove to stay their flight they vanished
into cloudy air that only darkened my vision, till at last, weary of seeking
and finding and losing again, I was forced to desist from my quest.
Did the ring then come to me as the bringer of confused dreams,
of unfulfilled presentiment, of unsatisfied longing ? Or does it conceal
quite another promise, a mysterious meaning? Who sent it me then — and
how shall I solve its enigma ?
At a later evening hour I returned to my accustomed study of
Romanin's History of Venice, I took up the fifth volume and threw it
open at the fifth chapter — the point where a few days previously I had
been interrupted in my reading.
To the sufferings of Venice there appears to have been no end. After
the frightful battles against the League of Cambray, Leo's ascent of
the Papal chair awakened a hope that the end of the war was near : the
alliance with France was concluded, but the Emperor Maximilian's hostile
intentions remained unchanged. On the isth of May, in the year 15 13,
Bartolommeo d' Alviano was appointed Commander in Chief of the Venetian
battalions. In gold brocaded attire, followed by a retinue of servants
and pages, and surrounded by a glittering company of Condottieri, he
received from the Doge in the Cathedral of St. Mark, after High Mass
had been celebrated by the patriarch, the standard with the emblem of
the lion under which he should successfully protect the State and recover
the lost possessions. A few days later one half of Lombardy was covered
by the French and the other half by the Venetians ; but this rapid success
was followed by the fatal defeat near Novara, where the Swiss under Maxi-
milian Sforza conquered the Allies. Venice was now in imminent danger.
The Spanish forces under Cardona were on the way to Padua, and with
their cannon from Malghera menaced the City of Lagoons itself. Alviano's
desperate attempt to crush Cardona near Vicenza miscarried, and only
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a lack of. discipline among the Spanish troops prevented their profiting
by the temporary victory.
The moment of deepest need, however, brought also a change of
prospects. Leo X., through anxiety at the growing power of the Emperor
Maximilian and the menaces of the Turks, expressed sympathy with the
Venetians. The next task of the latter was combating the troops of the
Emperor, which — led by Count Christoph Frangipani — had fallen upon
Friuli from Gorizia in the autumn of 15 13, had besieged Osopo, had taken
Marano, and had then pressed forward beyond Udine. Here I pause in
my reading. German troops in Friuli, in Udine ! Possibly also in the
neighbouring Pordenone? — in the years 15 13 and 1514 — the time would
agree with that indicated by the artistic style of the ring. So far as can
be learned, except at this period, no German troops were during the
fifteenth and sixteenth centuries in possession of these places, which were
then inhabited solely by the Italians : — was it possible that the German
ring might have been lost by an officer during the occupation of Friuli by
the Germans? The device and fine workmanship indicate that it must
certainly have belonged to a man of rank. But did the Germans then
overrun the country as far as Pordenone to the very neighbourhood of
Castell Prata where the ring was found lying in the earth ? And if this
was the case, is there a possibility of learning the name of their Com-
mander ? — of obtaining a more definite account of their fortunes ? Perhaps
in one of the Chronicles of Pordenone ? In the Diaries of Marino Sanuto ?
These suggestions follow one another like lightning-flashes in the night,
and brighten for an instant a hitherto unknown landscape; but before
my eye can succeed in grasping one of its salient features it vanishes
again in the folds of impenetrable darkness.
I close the book and call a halt to the chase of my thoughts. The
boldness of the suppositions to which I had given way causes me the
next moment to smile at myself: it was not enough that the spell of a
simple and most touching device had burst the bonds of the imagination,
but even the cool intellect had permitted itself to be whirled into this
mad play of fanciful and variegated web-spinning. It is all too capricious
— it were better to be discreet ! Whatever the inscription on the ring
betrays, whatever it silently reveals of a glowing heart whose beating
has for long, long years been stilled — will it not suffice if I prize the
wondrous gift as a relic? But then, how remarkable that I should this
evening have been reading this very chapter in Romanin. A coincidence,
surely— nothing more. It is scarcely worth the trouble of recalling
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The Dissolution of the League of Cambray.
After a Woodcut by Hans Burgkmair in the Emperor MazimiJian^s
W^isskunig (Wis* King).
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it. A coincidence, also, which so kindly laid the ring in my hand, that it
should become *' mine own/' And that is all. But the wayward visions
of the day are transformed in the dreams of the night : lost in a wilderness
I hear from afar the voice of a being that seeks me, and I strive to follow
it, but my feet remain chained to the earth, and the answer dies in my
throat. Farther and farther the cry floats away in the distance —
" Mit Willen dein eigen."
The next morning finds me again in St Mark's Library : Daniele
Barbaro's Chronicle is pushed aside, and in its stead lies another volume —
the Diario di Pordenone — ^brought by the knowing hand of Count Soranzo
from the oblivion in which it had long rested on the shelf. In this work
I read of the conquests of the town by the Germans, and their later
evacuation of it in March 15 14; both described by an eye-witness, the
Nobile Sebastiano Mantica.
So the Germans were indeed in Pordenone during this campaign, and
consequently in the neighbouring Castell Prata, and there exist detailed
accounts of their sojourn there ! What, then, is the character of these
reports? This Chronicle promises much, but not sufficient information.
The most important source of this will be found in the Diaries of Marino
Sanuto.
The Diaries of Marino Sanuto — there is certainly no one engaged in
studying the history of Venice by whom this name is not mentioned with
such expressions of combined respect and trusted acquaintanceship, as
give the impression of a personality of a wholly distinct and remarkable
kind. And, indeed, there is nothing in the wide range of historical science
which can be compared with the reports that this man has left us of the
experiences of his own time. The scion of an old patrician family, and
the son of a Senator, born in 1466, Marino Sanuto filled various offices
without attaining a high position in any of them ; one half of his life being
dedicated to the civil service of his native city, and the other devoted to
writing down all that he could learn of historic occurrences in the public
and private life of Venice, past and present. Such works as the great
Chronicle, The Lives of the DogeSy which in three huge manuscript folios
is deposited in St. Mark's Library ; as the History of the War with Ferrara \
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the Report of tite Campaign of Charles VIIL^ and The Lives of the Popes
— not to mention numerous lists, abstracts and extracts from the history of
the Fatherland — would alone have won him fame for his extraordinary
industry. But beyond all these writings the Diaries appear to us the
chief work of his life, and in face of them one is compelled to praise not
only the industry, endurance, and conscientiousness, but still more the
surprising energy possessed by this remarkable man. In the Library no
less than fifty-six strongly bound manuscript folios are preserved. And
in each of these volumes are to be found innumerable entries, great and
small and of every kind. Day after day during seven-and-thirty years
an unwearied hand committed to paper, and through it to posterity, what
an equally unwearied and observant spirit deemed worthy of note in the
life around him. A member not only of the Great Council, but for a longer
period of the Senate and the College, entrusted with the documentary
treasures of the Chancellariat, through his name and office at home in the
most influential circles and the highest society of Venice, Sanuto is — thanks
to his classical education — filled with all the intellectual interests of his
time, and is capable, as no other, of presenting the student of history
of a later age with data of matchless accuracy and variety. To artistic
grouping and wide generalisation the Diaries, however, make no pre-
tence ; they contain only a vast collection of facts : what Sanuto daily
experienced, what he heard, what rumours reached his ear, he repeated
one after another. All questions of foreign and domestic politics are
treated in the most detailed and comprehensive way : the proceedings of
the Great and Lesser Councils and of the College, the elections of State
officials which played so important a role in the Venetian Constitution,
the legal ordinances, the institutions of Justice and Administration, the
diplomatic reports and frequent verbatim copies of letters communicated
by the Venetian Ambassadors from near and far, the mandates of the
Podestas from every corner of the land and sea provinces, the official
despatches from the various divisions of the Army and Navy, with all
else that was mentioned in the different parts of the government. Besides
all the foregoing details, and not less worthy of note, are accounts of
the public religious and civic festivals, of the visits of personages of
rank, business experiences, public buildings, city works and monuments,
discoveries, polemical controversies, the principal events in the noble
families, weddings, funerals, prospects and results of the harvests, curiosities
of every kind — all, in short, that could appeal to a universal interest.
When one considers that the decades so graphically described by Sanuto
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were those of the climax of Venetian culture, those also of the last great
desperate struggle of the Republic against all the Powers of Europe ; the
day of decision in which the Mistress of the Seas, drunken with splendour
and radiant with self-glorification, received the death-blow to which she
slowly succumbed, one understands the full import of these Diaries. Not
a single man, but all Venice in its cares and suflferings, its rejoicings and
routs, has confessed itself in these folios, which are written with that charm-
ing combination— characteristic of the Italian Renaissance — of the naYve,
artistic sincerity, which faithfully reproduces every impression, with the
keen, incisive perception that understands so well how to adapt the results
of what it has seen to practical uses with certainty, and the ironic wit
whose quick discovery of contradictions becomes the play of the joyous
intellect with its own faculties. Only in a community at its blossoming
period, and in an organism so richly moved as that of Venice ; only in
an epoch of culture which showed the misery of a society disintegrating
through the refinement of luxury and egoistic passion, while clad in
shimmering raiment by the graceful, unifying principles of a life formed by
the noblest Art — only under such circumstances — could a Diary like that
of Marino Sanuto have been written. And perhaps, on the other hand,
it was not possible till our own day that the comprehension of the world
which he pictured, and the interest in it, should become so vivid that
the courage could be found to undertake the gigantic task of publishing
these Diaries. Thanks to the activity of Venetian savants, about one
half of Sanuto's manuscript has been reproduced in thirty volumes of
print during the last few decades, and thus rendered easy of access ; but
whoever will consult the latter portion of it, the publication of which will
occupy many more years of constant toil, is forced to make himself familiar
with the expressive but not very legible handwriting of the Chronicler,
unless he prefers to use the full copy of the Diaries preserved in the
Imperial Court Library in Vienna.
What I must now do, therefore, is to consult Sanuto. I throw open
the eighteenth volume, and there stand recorded, day afler day, abstracts,
letters, and short reports from the cities in the province of Friuli. The
movements of the German troops are fully noted : the Imperial division has
captured Udine ; in Osopo the noble Count Hieronimo Savorgnan — who
recounts all the detailed events in letters — defends himself with heroic
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8
determination against it : one division of the army enters Pordenone, and
near Sacile several combats take place, and — only see ! here is a letter
from Rizzan, one of the officers stationed in Pordenone, in which, during
a later imprisonment, he describes to a friend the previous occurrences in
that city. The first rapid glance thus leaves no doubt that Sanuto, as
usual, will more than fulfil my highest expectations as to the information
to be gleaned from his pages. I must now, therefore, carefully follow my
conscientious guide, and the various incidents will soon group themselves
together in consecutive order.
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Chapter I.
The Germans in Pordenone.
^
" Gone, gone is my salvation 1 "
Tannhausbr.
, HE whole Fatherland trembles with fear and is everywhere
in flight, is the cry from all sides, for the enemy are entering
Friuli." Such were the startling tidings brought from Udine
to Venice in the end of October 15 13. Maximilian's Field
Marshal, Count Christoph Frangipani, massed his forces in
Gorizia and Gradisca and prepared for an onslaught An attempt
was made in all haste to intercept the danger by negotiations, but
these hopes were not fulfilled : with the conquest in December of the Vene-
tian fortress of Marano, near Aquileja, began the beleaguering of the Friulian
cities, among which Monfalcone was the second to fall. But the skirmishes
from Istria were only the forerunners of a more extended campaign, for
which a much larger detachment of German troops was despatched to that
neighbourhood in January. On the appearance of the augmented forces,
Malatesta Baglioni and Girolamo Savorgnan, the two Commanders in
Udine, decided to begin a retreat While the latter withdrew to the
Alpine fortress, Castell Osopo, the former led his troops to Conegliano
and Spilimbergo. At the same time, on the nth of February 15 14, the
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Governor of FriuH, Giacomo Badoer, and with him the Proveditore
Giovanni Vituri left Udine and established their headquarters in Sacile
on the highway from Udine to Venice — between Pordenone and Cone-
gliano. On the following day Frangipani entered the forsaken capital of
the province, while in the neighbouring Pordenone — which in the thirteenth
century had become a fief of the Dukes of Austria and during the latest
combats had passed into the dominion of the Lion of St. Mark — the Vene-
tian Captain delivered the keys of the city to the Commander of the place,
Sebastiano Mantica, with the remark, that he would not seal the destruction
of Pordenone by remaining longer within its walls. On Mantica's refusing
the keys, amid the applause of his fellow-citizens, the Captain threw them
upon the ground and left the town by the way leading to Sacile. As no
assistance came to the threatened city, the inhabitants decided, on being
summoned by three Italian messengers from Frangipani on the 13th of
February, to deliver the place without resistance into the custody of the
Germans and to swear fealty to the Emperor. Their messengers were at
the same time ordered to request that the Count would himself come to
Pordenone.
But the latter, before daring to think of turning his line of march in
the direction of Venice, found himself compelled to concentrate his troops
in the country north of Osopo, in order to avoid the risk of leaving so
dangerous an enemy as Savorgnan in his rear. He therefore decided
to send only thirty horsemen to Pordenone, while he himself, on the 15 th
of February, turned towards Osopo. He could, however, scarcely have
imagined the task which lay before him to be as difficult as he found it.
Trivial successes in the immediate neighbourhood afforded him but little
encouragement so long as every attempt to take the mountain fastness
failed. The ill-luck which awaited him was likewise foretold by a
singularly ill omen. On the very day that he came to Osopo, in order to
place his cannon in line, on the 15th of February, it befell him — so I read —
that in an encounter with some peasants — "the horse upon which he rode was
struck in the body and killed by a shot from a blunderbuss. In the same
moment Christoph lost a relic that he always, through devotion, carried
with him, which accident seemed to him to bode only the gravest disaster."
'^
Here I pause for a moment in my search — " He lost a relic." — A
relic — yes — but no ring I Away with all capricious conjecturing! It is
besides stated : " on the road to Osopo."
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II
One week after another passed by before Osopo till Christoph,
restless with impatience, took advantage of the welcome arrival of
the Commander Rizzan, who was sent to join him with two hundred
horsemen, to make an excursion to Pordenone, which, up to that time,
was the most western spot that he had succeeded in winning for
the Emperor.
" Scarcely had I entered the camp," so Rizzan relates in a letter to
his relative, Bernard Rauber, who at that time served as Marshal under
the Emperor, "when the order was g^ven that I should ride forth with
Count Christoph, with whom we then went to Pordenone; and being
entered therein we received tidings that those in Sacile, when they heard
that we were coming to Pordenone, had taken flight, for which reason
Count Christoph and Master John Auguspurger, Messer Vido de la
Torre and others, begged counsel of me, and I advised that he and
Master John Auguspurger should ride to our camp near Osopo, where
the said camp should be broken, and that I would go therein when they
should have returned to Sacile. And so it would please me well to
wait for them four or five days in Pordenone : and all were so satisfied
with my counsel that they wrote to Gorizia and ordered that one hundred
horsemen and sundry peasants should be stationed near and about the
mountain. And this being done. Count Christoph and Master Bernardin
Raunacher, with others, rode the whole night through, while Master John
Auguspurger, Messer Vido de la Torre, and Rainer remained there
together with me and the armed men. In the meanwhile came a written
order to Auguspurger and Messer Vido de la Torre, that, on receiving
the same, they should ride forth together to the camp, and I begged
that Master John Auguspurger would permit Messer Vido to remain
with me; and that he did, and went alone to the camp, leaving me in
Pordenone for about the space of twelve days."
From Rizzan's report it is not clear how long Frangipani remained in
Pordenone. It is, however, certain that he was there for five days, — from
the 15th to the 20th of March,— during which time he made various
sorties in the direction of Sacile, in one of which he had a skirmish with
the Venetians. Two hundred heavy and one hundred light horsemen,
with one hundred and twenty foot soldiers (drawn principally from Graz
and Augsburg), remained behind under Rizzan's command, to whom was
added, besides the aforesaid Vido de la Torre, from Gorizia, the Commander
of the crossbow men : Rainer of Fiume, and a Count Konrad of Besten-
berg, who is frequently mentioned, with other officers whose names (in part
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12
irregularly given) were Nicolö, Martin, and Michel, three members of the
de la Torre family, Gregory Rauber, Henry Bemich, Gotthard Fores,
and John Chil from Burgundy, Wolfgang Richer and Jacob von Pian —
all wealthy Germans from " the Emperor's court " — as one learns later on,
in Venice.
The disquieting news of the occupation of Pordenone compelled
Venice to take decisive steps at last The Commander in Chief of the
troops, Bartolommeo d'Alviano, was himself sent with one thousand one
hundred horsemen and eight hundred foot soldiers to check the invaders,
and he entered Sacile on the night of the 28th of March, where he joined
the forces of Malatesta Baglioni. ''And without changing saddles," so
writes Rizzan in his report, "they came to Pordenone, and we had no
tidings thereof till our watch on the tower had given us the alarm. Upon
hearing this I quickly sent an officer with eight horsemen forth to spy out
the enemy and how all things lay ; then, having armed myself, I mounted
my horse and caused the trumpets to be blown that all should hold them-
selves in readiness and in order, and I bade the Count of Bestenberg
remain within with the heavy horsemen, and let no man go forth ; and
having done this I rode out with ten horsemen. But scarcely had we
left the town than my companions took to flight after having with one
accord besought me that I would send for the other horsemen that I had
commanded to remain within the town, in number about three hundred ;
I therefore sent straightway to them and to the Count, ordering him to
despatch them hither ; upon this a portion came and threw themselves so
furiously against a wing of the enemy that they caused it to fall back, on
which they took two prisoners and sent them to me ; and they rode so
far into the enemy's lines that they sent to me praying that some might
go to their aid, as it was not possible for them to return. At the same
moment came also the news that Master Bartolo had set his people in
order, on learning which I despatched a messenger to Rainer, bidding him
return to me with all speed, as soon as he possibly could."
In the meanwhile Rainer, who had been engaged in combat in another
place with the foot soldiers of the Proveditore Vituri, felt himself com-
pelled by their overwhelming numbers to retreat to Rizzan. On this
Baglioni's horsemen fell upon him, it is stated, "like a cloud," in such
a bewildering press that the afTrighted inhabitants of the city found it
impossible to distinguish friend from foe. The Germans now rapidly
withdrew towards the town, hard pressed on all sides by the Venetians,
who forced their way after them into the suburbs. "And Malatesta's
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horsemen fell upon me to such a degree that I thought they would verily
throw me and mine into the city together ; and as I turned me about and
raised my lance to strike Malatesta therewith, I was in the same moment
wounded and taken prisoner."
With redoubled force Rainer tried to stem the retreat of the troops
within the walls of Pordenone. Supported only by three men, he strove
to prevent the enemy from crossing a bridge. One of his comrades, a
Burgundian, laid three horsemen low, and aroused such intense amaze-
ment by his bravery, that the enemy's Field Marshal promised him ten
ducats in gold every month if he would enter his service ; an offer rejected
with scorn by the valiant man. On another bridge Alviano himself made
a fruitless attack, as, after some sharp firing in which twelve Germans
fell, the bridge suddenly gave way. Night now closed in, but caused no
cessation of the bombardment, which proceeded without response from
the town, as the inhabitants had neither weapons nor powder. On the
morning of the 29th of March, Rainer was wounded by a shot, and at
noon the Venetians pressed into the city. A hundred Germans quickly
lost their lives in the desperate battle, and the remaining two hundred
and fifty, of which a large portion were severely wounded, withdrew to
the Castle, where, on perceiving that there was no further hope of assist-
ance, they surrendered to their opponents. Pordenone was now rapidly
plundered, and not even the churches escaped ; for Bartolommeo d'Alviano,
intoxicated by his victory and forgetful of the hour in which his Field
Marshal's staff had been given him in the Cathedral of St. Mark, did
not hesitate to tread the hallowed precincts of the house of God under
his horses' feet !
Of the heroic little band whose gallant and tenacious defence of the
outposts had so aroused the wonder and sympathy of the citizens of
Pordenone, only twelve men remained, among whom were the above-
named noblemen. On the 2nd of April they were taken as prisoners into
Venice. On the 5th they were followed by Rizzan, who, on account of
his wound, had until that date been lying in Sacile. His appearance
created a sensation : he was, however, recognised as the same determined,
overbearing man who in the preceding year had pressed on towards Venice
itself, from the near neighbourhood of Mestre, which he had ordered to
be burned. " A tall, gaunt man, thirty-four years of age, with an ugly
countenance, which gives one a gruesome impression." He was carried to
the gaol used only for prisoners of State, the "Torresella" in the Doge's
Palace, from whence, on the 27th of April, he wrote his relative in
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Germany the account of the storming of Pordenone. The Commander
Rainer found quarters in the Palace of Ser Lorenzo Giustiniani near San
Moise, possibly because his wounds still required attention, while the
others were taken to the so-called "Gabioni" gaol, used for ordinary
prisoners of war, which formerly stood on the site now occupied by the
Giardino reale, and here they were kept in custody.
Thus ended the attempt to win Pordenone for the Emperor Maximilian :
fourteen days after the Venetians were compelled to surrender it to the
Germans, it returned for all time to the jurisdiction of the Republic. As
a reward for his trouble and prowess, the city was presented to Alviano.
With Pordenone Prata also came into the possession of Venice. This
castle, after being completely destroyed by the Venetians in the year
1419, and later partially restored, was at the time of the League of
Cambray forsaken by its owners, the Counts of Prata, who were adherents
of Maximilian, and on the 14th of November 15 14 it was given in fief
to the Cavaliere Daniele Florido di Spilimbergo— who had been created
Count _
Did one of the German officers, who in March 15 14 occupied
Pordenone and the neighbourhood, lose the ring? Very possibly ! But
if this actually was the case, which of them did so ? The overbearing
Rizzan ? The intrepid Rainer? Count Bestenberg? — or one of the other
officers whose names have been handed down to us ? Not the slightest
indication of the true answer to this question is to be found here. From
the few short later notes no important data can be gleaned respecting
their personalities and their fortunes. On this side, at least, the way to
further investigation is barred. Who, however, was the Commander in
Chief, Count Christoph Frangipani, who on the iSth of February lost a
relic on the way from Udine to Osopo, and from the 15th to the. 20th
of March remained in Pordenone, from whence he led ^skirmishing parties
into the adjacent country ? Can we learn anything definite about him ?
To follow him upon his way is the next task that awaits us.
There are many Venetian chroniclers and historians, and among them
from Malipiero's Annals, Marc Antonio MichieFs Diaries — written between
151 1 and 1520 — Pietro Bembo, Pietro Giustiniani, Nicolö Doglioni, Paolo
Morosini, and others — with their descriptions of Venetian history — we may
gain the desired information. For the most important notes, however,
I must again consult Marino Sanuto. May he continue to be gracious
towards me !
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Chapter II.
The Race of the Frangipani, Counts of Segna,
Modrusa, and Veglia.
**I know the race — wild are they all."
The Valkyrie.
LASS XI, codex LXV. Chronicle of the Island of Veglia and
of the Frangipani Family upon this Island. Written by
Antonio Vinciguerra, Secretary of the Senate and the Republic
of Venice " : for this title I am indebted to the Catalogue of
Manuscripts in St. Mark's Library. With what anticipations
do I await the coming of the attendant who has gone to bring me
the codex. He returns with it — but : only the title-page and a
few sonnets in Vinciguerra's honour are to be found therein ; the whole text
fails, having been torn out, who knows at what period ? The suddenly
awakened hope of finding a consecutive statement of the history of the
Counts Frangipani from which all the more important facts could be
gleaned, is now as suddenly extinguished. I am therefore compelled to
search for scattered notes in various directions, and to consult at random
many old manuscripts and prints. The work is now more tedious, but I
soon reconcile myself to it : flying pictures follow one another, often with-
out any apparent relation and with indistinct outlines, but, thanks to the
strength of the colouring, they are vivid and impressive.
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A stalwart race, inhabiting strong castles in Croatia, with its ances-
tral seat in Modrusa and Seg^na (Zengg), which was given it in fief by
Bela III. in 1260.
Driven about by their passions through the following centuries to
ambitious scheming, wild undertakings, and outrageously violent deeds ;
forced by their terrifying superstitions to take refuge in fantastic religious
devotions, heroic and faithless, unruly and calculating in capricious change,
they wasted their turbulent lives in warring with their neighbours and
with themselves.
From whence the race originally came cannot now, with any certainty,
be stated. One authority contends that its home from the first was
in Croatia, and that the name, literally "Frankopan," means "Francis
the Lord": others assert that it was a severed branch of the Roman
family of the Frangipani, whose annals are stained with the dastardly
betrayal of the last Konradin of Hohenstaufen by the Lord of Astura, John
Frangipani, and with the treacherous assassination of Duke Frederick the
Warrior. Contrary to this, the authors of the Venetian genealogies, and
among them the earliest, so far as I know, Francesco Venier and
Zancarola, relate in their Chronicle (now in St. Mark's Library) that in
former times a family of the Frangipani came from Ravenna to Venice,
where they became members of the Great Council, and that with the death
of Giovanni, who held a position in the Mint, this line became extinct in
1347: they also hold that from these Ravenese- Venetian Frangipanis the
Croatian branch originally sprang.
Be that, however, as it may — we have certain knowledge that on the 7th
of July 1368 one John Frangipani, Count of Segna, was admitted to the
Great Council, and with that to the nobility of Venice, that he received
in fief the Island of Veglia near Fiume, whose acquisition under the Doge
John Partecipazio in the year 829 marked the beginning of the political
conquests of Venice, and that during a visit to that city in 1402 he was highly
honoured as a staunch friend of the Republic. It was this same John who
in 1390 was created by Sigismund Ban of Croatia and Slavonia, and who
in 1410 conquered Sebenico in the interest of the king. A renewal of the
privil^es of nobility was granted to Count Nicholas and his heirs on the
17th of December 1443, which one of his relatives (probably a son), Stephen,
tried to use for his own advantage. " In the year 1446 there came hither
Stephen Frangipani, Count of Segna, and with him a fine company in
goodly array, and he went to the Signoria in garments embroidered
with pearls of great value. And the said Count asked counsel of the
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Signoria whether he should wed a natural sister of the Marquess Lionello
of Ferrara, who was formerly the wife of the Count of Urbino, the
nuptials being already agreed upon : but the Doge made answer that it
seemed to him for divers reasons and considerations not good that the
Count should take the said lady to wife inasmuch as many other desirable
consorts were to be had. Notwithstanding this, the latter having expressed
his thanks to the Signoria returned to Ferrara, where he celebrated the
wedding, and afterwards abode there many days,"
The Republic of Venice on her part knew well how to utilise her present
relations with the Frangipanis. When in 1466 Doymo, the brother of the
Count of Segna, died without heirs, she proceeded without delay — and in
defiance of the Emperor Frederick III. — to take possession of the city
of Fiume, which had previously belonged to Doymo. And a short time
afterwards, in 1480, she began meddling with the affairs of the Island of
Veglia. Count John, who had taken a wife from the Morosini family of
Venice, had through his cruelty and tyranny so aroused the just indignation
of his vassals that they would no longer acknowledge him as their chief.
They therefore prayed the Republic to assume the government of the
island. But before Venice could send her galleys to the place, the
Hungarians had already taken possession of this tempting prey. After
some fruitless parleying it came to a combat, in which the Hungarians
were defeated. " After all the people had been summoned by the ringing
of bells to a large room in the Palace, Count John, in the presence of the
Proveditore and the three Sopracomiti, said : * I see that it is the will of
God, because of my sins and for the well-being of my vassals, that I was
not able to withstand the army of the King of Hungary. And in order
that my faithful subjects may not suffer, I have decided to resigfn this
State in favour of its true Lords, the Signoria of Venice, to whom it of
right belongs. I therefore exhort all my people that as they have been
faithful to the house of Frangipani they shall in like manner be true to our
most illustrious Signoria' — and having said this he turned to the Proveditore
and delivered to him the keys of the City, the Castle, and the Palace."
One of the Malipieri was appointed Governor of the island, and he was
followed by the Secretary, Antonio Vinciguerra, by whom the lost history
of the Frangipanis was written.
But Count John, who had known so well how to make his forced
abdication appear in the light of a gracious condescension, went with his
wife and children to Venice. "Here an Act was passed in the Senate
granting him a provision of one hundred ducats a month during his lifetime
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and four thousand ducats as a dowry for one of his daughters. But he
refused to accept this proposal, and fled to Germany. His daughter
Catherina, however, received the aforesaid dowry, and was given in marriage
by the brothers of the Countess, Pietro and Marco Morosini, with the
approval of the Signoria, to a grandson of the Doge Francesco Dandolo,
and son of Antonio Dandolo. She was married later for the second time
to Ser Andrea Foscolo, son of Girolamo Foscolo, and died without heirs."
One more instructive example of the way in which Venice dealt with
aifairs of this kind, and guided them to an end in harmony with her own
designs. In the present case she was dealing with a violent and unruly
vassal, concerning whom she was undoubtedly in the right ; but one cannot
help seeing in this incident a small prelude to the great drama which was
enacted a few years later in Catherina Cornaro's abdication — only that she
was solemnly proclaimed daughter of the Republic before her ascent of
the throne of Cyprus, while the Signoria first gave its fatherly protection
to the Countess Morosini-Frangipani after her husband had been robbed
of his lands and dependants by Venetian galleys. Whether right or
wrong, a strong race was driven out from its ancient inheritance, and
through this became a cause of perpetual unrest. That they did not openly
arise against Venice was probably due to their realising the great power
of the Republic, and also to the fact that in the Hungarian agitation they
had lost their second possession, Segna, to Matthias Corvin, and that they
felt that its recovery was the next thing to be considered.
Not so easily as with John — whose attempt to re-win the Island of
Veglia in 1484 with the help of the Hungarians failed — did Venice fare
with two other Frangipanis, who now appear on the scene, the Counts
Angelo and Bernhardin, who during the close of the century were causes
of endless turmoil in Istria and Dalmatia. A yearly stipend of 3120 ducats
had hardly been bestowed upon Angelo for conducting the war with Ferrara
when intelligence was received that he had entered the service of Matthias,
King of Hungary, and was making incursions on the borders of Istria.
^'This Angelo was wont from the first to be a very Corsair on land.
The merchants who were on their way to the fairs in Germany without
having gained his especial consent, he seized, imprisoned, and robbed of
all their goods." A proceeding of course unheard of under the well-
ordered government of the Signoria. But Heaven itself punished his ill
deeds. It is stated in a letter sent by one of the Venetian officers to the
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Senate in 1499: "this is truly pure folly, but I will nevertheless relate
it. Count Angelo de Frangipanibus, who dwells in Bregno above Segna,
ordered one of his trusty servants named Susich to build him a strong-
hold not far from that place, and he forced all his retainers with great
cruelty to work upon the said stronghold on feast days as well as on week
days. But no sooner was the stronghold finished than, it would seem
through a judgment of God which came upon it soon after the Christmas
feast, the earth opened and swallowed it up, so that naught was to be
seen but the rent wherein it had vanished, around which the ground was
much stained with blood — which event was in truth an unheard-of and
remarkable thing."
This miracle was quickly followed by another, of which it would appear
that Count Bernhardin, who was present at the time, was not without
secret knowledge.
" On the first day of the New Year, as Count Bernhardin heard Mass
with singing in Modnisa, the priest was about to take the holy Host into
his hands to break it, as is the custom, when he perceived that it was no
longer upon the altar, and being stricken with horror he knew not what
he should do or say. Upon this there arose a great tumult among those
present, and several from without ran into the church saying that they
had seen the holy Host in the air over the church tower ; whereupon the
said lord and all others with him went hastily out and themselves saw the
Host, and they sent the priest, after that the Gospel was read, up on to the
tower, in order that he should try to seize upon the Host. And as he
stood upon the balcony, all saw that the Host lifted itself higher and higher
into the air till it vanished from the sight of the people, who were waiting
in great terror below, because of this astonishing miracle. The priest, who
had sung the Mass, thereupon went to Rome, to carry His Holiness the
Pope tidings of the wonder, and the same priest said, he knew well that
he was a sinner, howbeit not so g^eat an one that because of his sins so
amazing an event should have happened to him. This latest piece of news
I send to you as I myself have heard it : may your Excellency give it
just so much credence as shall seem to you good."
The Venetians would certainly not have failed to connect the two
miracles with the sinister intentions expressed at a gathering of all the
Frangipanis which it was arranged at that time should take place at
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Buxene, about Christmastide. This meeting must truly have been ex-
citing enough to those who took part in it, as all were at enmity with
each other, and among them none were more irreconcilable than the
warring brothers Angelo and Bernhardin. The subject of discussion was
the reconquest of Segna, the plan for which was to be decided upon ;
but as Bernhardin persisted in claiming that city in his own right, all
attempts at agreement were frustrated. The troubles on behalf of this
place, whose inhabitants would rather have deserted and burned it than
that it should have fallen into possession of the greatly feared Counts,
dragged through many years and changing parties till they became so
hopelessly entangled that when Angelo, in treachery to his brother,
endeavoured to play Segna into the hands of the Republic, the latter
declined it, with thanks.
To give even an approximate picture of the role played by the
Frangipanis in the affairs of Hungary — and above all by Bernhardin, the
mighty and imposing head of the family, and Angelo, and in lesser
degree by the Counts Nicholas, John, and Michael — the last of whom
was Bemhardin's nephew — during the last decade of the fifteenth and
the first of the sixteenth centuries is here, and perhaps under any condi-
tions, wholly impossible. In all the confusion of that era their restless,
adventurous spirits and evident longing to recover their plundered
possessions were perpetually leading them into fresh difficulties. When
after the death of Matthias Corvin, caused by one of the parties, his
natural son John Corvin appeared as a pretender to the crown, they
ranged themselves on his side, as they later fought in opposition to the
chosen King Wladislaw II. as companions of the King Maximilian, when
he entered Hungary to assert his rights. Their names are to be found
on the treaty drawn up by Wladislaw and Maximilian in 1492, in which
it was agreed that the latter should inherit the kingdom if Wladislaw
died without heirs. Yet in spite of this written promise they went
recklessly forth to bum and destroy the royal castles, and to make war
upon John Both, Ban of Slavonia, who fell in one of the battles. They
even did not hesitate to call the Turks into the country in the hope of
re-winning Segna by their aid, and afterwards turned upon them. In
the battle near Ubdina, John was slain, Nicholas was taken prisoner, and
Bernhardin fled. From Venice Angelo was sent out against Bemhardin,
but the latter had already enlisted as Condottiere with six hundred horse-
men for the war against Charles VIII.
New turmoils and new factions were by this time appearing in
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Hungary. Stephen Zapolya arose against Wladislaw, and gaining
steadily in power, robbed John Corvin of his possessions, who as Ban
of Slavonia and Croatia went against him in 1496, but was defeated.
In the same year Corvin made a treaty with Bernhardin Frangipani,
married his daughter Beatrice, and then joined him in plundering
and terrorising the district of Zara, which soon led to conflicts with
Venice.
We can readily imagine how under these circumstances the conscience of
Count Bernhardin became so oppressed that a few months later he resolved
to go on pilgrimage. " On the 22nd of January 1497 there entered this
city (Venice) the Count Bernhardin de Frangipanibus of Segna, and on
the 24th he presented himself to the Signoria. He is in appearance a
very handsome man. It is reported that he desired a free escort, and he
went to Loretto in fulfilment of a vow."
During his stay in Venice it seems that Frangipani offered his services
to the Republic, but the next thing he did was to follow his own interests
in the battles connected with Segna, until driven by the wish to procure for
his son, probably George, — later Bishop of Veszprem, and in 1 504 Arch-
bishop of Kalocsa, — the promise of the bishopric of Modrusa, he begged
Venice in 1499 to use her influence with the Pope on his behalf. From
this time forward he continued for many years in direct relations with
the Signoria, kept it well informed as to the movements of the Turks,
against whom he professed it his duty to fight In decisive movements,
however, he always disappeared ; no true confidence could be placed in his
reports, and in consequence of this his requests for money and soldiers
were left unheeded. The active hostilities which he kept up against the
Turks were well understood to be merely a sham manoeuvre, made in the
hope of impressing the Venetians and compelling them to accept him as
their mercenary. So also did Angelo — but, as the chronicler observes,
" the Frangipani have promised much and done nothing."
The next years were passed in the following manner: requests and
offers on the part of the Counts, who had been solemnly reconciled ;
communications received by the Venetian officials to the effect that
Bernhardin, in spite of all his assurances, had no other intention than
the reconquest of Segna and the making himself Lord of the Island
of Veglia ; warnings from the Signoria that the marauding incursions on
the Venetian frontiers must cease, and withdrawal of the subsidies pre-
viously granted to this Croatian disturber of the peace.
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From the most interesting commentator on these events we learn that
on the 1 2th of October 1503, "there came this morning to the College a
philosopher, one Hieronymus de Dionisiis, who said that he was a disciple
of Cynthius of Ancona, and he began an address in Italian and presented
several verses in praise of the Doge, and afterwards a petition with the
following signature : * Hieronimo di Dionisiis Siracusarum prosapia
Bucharique comes ' (Hieronymus of Dionysus, a native of Syracuse and
Count of Buchari). In this he related that he and his had done much
for our Signoria, and that he had been raised to the rank of a citizen ;
also that he had been taken prisoner by Count Bernhard dei Frangipani
and had by him been kept in captivity in a black dungeon for the space
of six years, five months, and twenty-eight days, till he had but four
teeth remaining and was become a veritable scarecrow. He then called
attention to the evil plotting of the Count, whose chief object in view
was the conquest of the Island of Veglia, and he counselled that a
stronghold should be built upon it. He closed his petition by saying
that he was a deadly enemy of the said Count." Poor philosopher 1
They promised, it is true, to read thy petition, but it appears that
they troubled themselves no more about thee, although Syracuse
gave thee birth and Cynthius of Ancona was thy friend. Not alone
of thy teeth, but of all belief in thy poetic glory did this frightful,
uneducated Croatian Count rob thee ! Yet for the only tidings of thee
that have reached posterity from the great land of night must thou thank
this same much-hated enemy : lay, therefore, thy grudge aside, and stretch
out thy greeting hand when thou meetest him on his lonely way in the
dark world of shades.
In this same year Frangipani found a more dangerous opponent than
Hieronymus of Dionysus in his own son-in-law, John Corvin, who suddenly
claimed Segna for himself, which naturally led to an encounter. The
enmity lasted even after Corvin's death, which followed in 1 504, for his
widow Beatrice, in whose veins flowed the hot blood of the Franglpanis,
held his possessions against her own father and near relatives till they,
as formerly, did not hesitate to call the Turks to their aid, when she was
defeated and robbed of her hopes.
Our last tidings of Bernhardin in the year 1 506 relate to a personal
quarrel with the Emperor Maximilian, who seized and held in his own
right one of the places formerly conquered by Frangipani — after which
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The Emperor Maximilian I.
After a Drawing by Albert Dürer (1507) in the Royal Cabinet of Engravings in Berlin.
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for the space of two years, Venice heard no more of her Croatian neighbours
till the time of the frightful war brought by the League of Cambray into
the Republic, in opposition to which all the nations of Europe now seemed
to be arrayed, and who stood without a friend to aid her. In this same year,
1508, came tidings from the East that Bemhardin's daughter Beatrice»
the widow of John Corvin, had contracted a second marriage with George,
Margrave of Brandenburg, the son of King Wladislaw, and further, that
Bernhardin's son. Count Christoph Frangipani, who had entered the
Emperor's service, was with his German and Croatian troops in Istria and
was arming himself for an attack upon the Venetian frontier.
The fire of enmity, long smouldering between the Signoria of Venice
and the Lords of Segna, Modrusa, and Veglia, now burst blazing to the
light ; and as the heir of all the passions and the ambitions of his race,
Count Christoph Frangipani drew his sword from its sheath in open
warfare against the liege lords of the Island of Veglia.
•v^
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m^tüm
Chapter III.
Christoph Frangipani in the War with Venice.
^
'* My longings urge me on to war."
Tannhauser.
^ROM the marriage of Count Bernhardin Frangipani with Louisa
of Arragon sprang four sons and one daughter. Of Beatrice,
married for the first time to John Corvin, and for the second
to George, Margrave of Brandenburg, and of George, who
was destined for an ecclesiastical life, we have already heard.
Ferdinand, one of the two younger brothers, will be mentioned
occasionally — but they, like all the other bearers of the name,
fall into the background when compared with Bernhardin's eldest son
Christoph, the later head of the Modrusa branch of the family. Bom in
the year 1483 (according to some authorities in the preceding decade), he
was early sent by his father to the court of the King of Hungary, where
he at least was during the year 1499. When he first entered the service
of the Emperor is unknown. The obscurity which shrouds his youth does
not brighten till the year 1508, when the gathering of his troops and their
preparations for an attack upon certain Venetian castles in Istria, like
flashes of distant lightning, were first noticed in Venice in June, but owing
to a suspension of hostilities which took place in July they were not
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continued. In the following years his name and his activity became
increasingly important, and indeed he appears as one of the most capable
officers in the three imperial military undertakings against the Republic —
beside Marco Can and his cousin Michael Frangipani — under the command
of the Duke of Brunswick.
A general view of the correlation of events has been preserved for
us in Sanuto's inventories, but more exact reports of the minor details
of this expedition, so rich in small incidents but poor in results, are given
us in the letters of Luigi da Porto, of Vicenza, who fought in the Venetian
army, and who by an unhappy love for an "inimical mistress" was
spurred on to deeds of valour, and as Captain of the light horsemen found
several opportunities for distinguishing himself. It was not, however, his
martial activity but quite another experience that befell him in those
days which has kept Luigi's memory living to our own time. " It was
my custom," he relates, " when riding with others to have one of my
crossbowmen from Verona near me, a man of about fifty years old,
devoted to his calling, and of an agreeable disposition, who, like nearly
all the Veronese, was an admirable story-teller — byname Pellegrino. This
man was a valiant and experienced soldier, but was withal of a jovial nature,
and — what was perhaps less suited to his years — was continually falling in
love: but it lent an added charm to his society that he found pleasure
in narrating the most beautiful romances in a well-ordered and graceful
manner, especially such as related to love, more perfectly than any I had
ever heard before. Once as I was going with him and two others — who
were perhaps also tormented by love — from Gradisca, where I was then
quartered, to Udine, along a lonely way all burnt and disturbed by the
war, and, lost in meditation, was walking a little apart from the rest,
Pellegrino drew near to me, and, as if guessing my thoughts, addressed me
in the following manner : * Will you then go on sorrowing all your days
because a cruel beauty refuses to care for you? And even if I speak
against myself, since it is always so much easier to give good counsel than
to follow it, I needs must tell you, sir, that it is not only unwise during this
time of military service to yield yourself captive to love, but that almost
always the end to which love leads is sorrowful and perilous. In proof
of this I can relate, if it pleases you, a story of what happened in my
native city, which will make the way seem less dark and lonely to us
both. Hear then how two noble lovers were led by their affection to a
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sad and pitiable death/ And as I gave him a sign that I would willingly
listen, he began to narrate his story."
The romance thus related by Pellegrino to Luigi da Porto in the restless
war-time of 1510 was that of " Romeo and Juliet " ; and it was Luigi who
-^ later in the peaceful days of 1524 wrote it down and dedicated it to his
relative Lucina Savorgnan — the niece of that Girolamo who opposed Count
Christoph. It is Luigi, therefore, whom the world must thank for its
undying knowledge of the old story " piena di pietade " of the love and
death of Montecchi and Capuletti.
The paths of Luigi da Porto and of Christoph Frangipani, who were
now moving so near to each other, never crossed : thus Christoph's name
does not appear a single time in Luigi's letters.
The direct cause of this campaign was the conquest, by Venice, of
several imperial possessions in Friuli and Istria, of which Gorizia and Trieste
were the most important With these conquests Bartolommeo d'Alviano
had retaliated the invasions of Venetian territory by the Germans, ordered
by the Emperor Maximilian. Although these two cities were volun-
tarily surrendered by the Signoria to the Emperor on the ist of June
1509» owing to the severe pressure put upon them by the League o(
Cambray, this partial restoration of the conquered towns could not arrest
the far-reaching ambition of the latter. While the main German army,
followed by Maximilian himself, had advanced from Trient against
Vicenza and Padua, and had captured these places, the attack on the
other side of Friuli was made. The intelligence brought to Venice of
the great gathering of troops and the skirmishing in Istria was quickly
followed by a cry for help from Udine, against which the united forces
of the enemy were bearing down. The powerful efforts now made to
check the onward march of the Germans succeeded : soon after the re-
taking of Padua they were forced, after several combats near Udine, to
retreat also in Friuli ; and as Maximilian's renewed efforts to conquer Padua
again luckily came to naught, and the Emperor returned to Germany, the
Venetians had time to think of taking vengeance on the Frangipanis. In
their alarm they encouraged the Turks to invade Croatia and to attack
the castles of the several Counts, which were thereby greatly damaged.
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Such was the outcome of Christoph's foregoing deeds, and of Count
Bernhardin's repeated attempts to seize upon the Island of Veglia. An
imperative letter now warned Christoph to regain the goodwill of the
Signoria forthwith, or, failing in this, he would have cause " to feel it."
How often did not the Lords of Croatia find their wills broken by the
iron determination of the Mistress of Adria — like stormy waves which by
their incessant dashing against a mighty rock strive to shake it — and again
and again the only course left them was to humble themselves at her feet
Christoph indeed appears to have paid but small heed to the threats made
against him, as he levied a tax in Istria to indemnify himself for the losses
which he had sustained through the Turks, but in the course of the following
months both he and his father came to the conclusion that it would be
wiser to submit and secure peace. On the 2nd of April 1510 they both
sought to excuse themselves before the Venetian Envoys: it was due,
they said, to a pressing command from the Emperor that Bemhardin had
followed him with ten horsemen to Padua, while for Christoph's entering
Friuli the Venetian Governor in Capo d'lstria was responsible. One reads
with amazement that Bernhardin closed these communications by praying
the Republic to accept his services: he was ready with a few men to
dare the conquest of Croatia from the King of Hungary. No doubt he
would have been the very man to do it 1
In the following May and June, Bernhardin's negotiations were, through
his son Ferdinand, carried on with the Envoy in Buda-Pesth, in order to *
forestall any complaints to the King of Hungary — but already in May
complaints came from Friuli to Venice, from Count Hieronimo Savorgnan,
that Count Christoph had carried off his servants and had thrown them
into prison ; and on the ist of June the latter was in Postoyna and was
gathering troops for a fresh attack upon Friuli. The second campaign
had begun.
But in spite of the manifold preparations made by Christoph now in
Gorizia, now in Postoyna, and now in Trieste, the undertaking led to but little
success. After small encounters with the Venetians and the plundering
of various places the soldiers gathered in Gorizia on the nth of August,
under the command of the Duke of Brunswick, decided to join the Emperor
in Trient, but in this they were greatly hindered by the enemy, who had been
opportunely informed of their approach and now checked their advance.
About the same time Christoph fell seriously ill, and lay in a critical condi-
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tion in a castle in the neighbourhood of Gorizia. Later on, in September,
when Marco Can and Christoph made a renewed attempt to put their
plans into operation through Villach, they found themselves compelled
to beat a hasty retreat. The plundering of Albona in December closed
the campaign, and the Frangipanis then all withdrew to their several
estates.
Not until after half a year of rest did Christoph again take arms, and
this time it was he alone who, for personal ends, re-opened the war against
Venice. This expedition, which was prefaced with the beleaguering of
Muglia, began unfortunately for him. On the 9th of October 1511 he was
struck by an arrow in the leg, which caused him intense suffering — three
months after Luigi da Porto had been carried severely wounded from the
seat of the war to Venice. He had scarcely recovered and returned to the
neighbourhood of Muglia in the beginning of November, when, during a
two-handed encounter with the Proveditore Andrea Zivran, a new mis-
fortune befell him. " I came," so reported Zivran, " to a face-to-face
combat with Count Christoph, and closing upon one another we at
first dealt many blows without shedding blood, till I gave him a sidelong
stroke across the countenance which cleft through flesh and bone together
and caused the blood to stream forth mightily. Upon this he struck me
on the right hand and cut off three of the fingers — not a dangerous loss —
and also wounded the thumb on the left hand. This so enraged me that I
essayed to attack his body, upon which he quickly turned his back upon
me and fled to San Servolo, and I after him for about the length of two
miles. A valiant young officer from Postoyna, however, followed so close
behind me with an outstretched lance, that I was forced to turn myself
about and attack him. And on being come to a hand-to-hand encounter
with him I dealt him three wounds, conquered and took him prisoner, and
delivered him to the care of my servant. I myself was indeed so near to
the Count that if he had not under the escort of only seven horsemen
taken refuge in the Castle, I should without doubt have captured him.
Patience ! Fate has but spared him for a greater misfortune and us for
the higher honour ! Omnia pro meliori (all things are for the best), and
this much also is certain, that he will not praise me who never before was
beaten or wounded by others, and who now through grace alone was
enabled to save himself with only seven horsemen when all the rest had
been cut in pieces."
The lucky victor's self-satisfied joy in his heroic deeds, which would
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doubtless be narrated with pride by his grandchildren and great-grand-
children, has thus been revealed to us, but of the feelings with which the
hitherto unconquerable man returned home we know nothing. For the
space of three months he vanished completely from the scene of action, and
the Senators in Venice were contentedly exchanging their conjectures that
Count Christoph Frangipani had finished his course when on the 9th of
January 1512 intelligence was received that he was marching at the head
of his Croatians towards Gorizia. And not long would his enemies have
had to wait in uncertainty as to whether he remembered Zivran's deed,
had not the high command of the Emperor taken his weapon out of
his hand. The suspension of hostilities concluded with Venice, which
lasted from the ist of April to the ist of February in the following year,
1 5 13, now barred the way and thwarted all his plans. With what
impatience he greeted it, how sorely he wished he might hasten its end,
may be judged by his appearance before Raspo in the midst of the interval
of peace. With unfairness, so he argued, the Signoria were rebuilding the
walls of this fortress, and before any written explanations could be made
he seized and garrisoned it with his own troops. So even then he was
not wholly inactive.
When at a Diet held in Gorizia in January 1513 a prolongation of the
truce till the ist of April was concluded, it was he who, with headstrong
determination, set himself against it — whose burning, uncontrollable passion
urged him to war. Of such a man the Emperor Maximilian had need.
In the same assembly Christoph was appointed Commander in Chief
of the German forces for the war about to be renewed in I stria and
Friuli.
Three months later the Count was with his Imperial Master and
received from his hand a sister of the Cardinal of Gurk to wife, who
brought with her as her dowry from Maximilian the earldoms of Pixin and
Gorizia. On the 28th of May he entered Blaiburg near Villach with his
consort, and remained there till the end of July, when in a larger Assembly
the attack upon Friuli was discussed and definitely planned. In September
the gathering of the troops began. The assurance of victory with which
the Frangipanis regarded coming events threw the Council of Venice into
some uneasiness, and a plan for taking their dangerous opponent into the
Venetian service was agreed upon. How little they then knew of the man
who had now to wipe out not only the long oppression of his race, but
also the disgrace before Muglia ! If ever Venice had an embittered foe.
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bent upon a decision for life or death, it was Count Christoph Frangipani,
who, casting all thought of negotiation from him, pressed forward at the
head of the Imperial Army. " The whole Fatherland trembles and is
everywhere in flight, is the cry from all sides ; the enemy are entering
Friuli!"
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chapter IV.
The Langs of Wellenburg.
** Mine own wert thou,
Love, when I saw thee."
The Valkyrie.
^MONG the patrician families who through their civic industry
and commercial enterprise prepared the way for the brilliant
period of prosperity enjoyed by the Free City of Augsburg
in the sixteenth century, that of the Langs was conspicuous.
In those early days they had already attained to great wealth
and influence, and passing without the narrow confines of the
city walls, they procured for themselves a lordly and knightly
estate, and in the year 1318 made the Castle of Mülhausen their country
seat Having grown strong with their native city, they were also to share
with her the zenith of her splendour.
With joyous hopes during the second half of the fifteenth century
might the worthy John Lang, the head of the family, and his wife Margaret
— a descendant of the Sulzers, who had the right of sitting in Council — look
out into the future : amid the well-ordered surroundings of a magnificent
estate their eight blooming children grew to maturity — four sons : Matthew,
Luke, John, and Mark ; and four daughters : Apollonia, Ottilie, Regina, and
Felicitas. Already in his early boyhood their eldest offspring, Matthew,
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who was born in 1468, gave tokens of such varied and unusual ability that
his father decided to give him a scientific and classical education. After a
short residence in the University of Ingoldstadt he continued his studies
in i486 in Vienna, and later in Tübingen, where on the 27th of January
1489 the degree of Master was conferred upon him. On his appointment
to the Chancery in Mainz his extensive knowledge and remarkable versa-
tility soon attracted the notice of the Emperor Frederick III., who
afterwards took him as his private secretary to Italy. Not less than his
predecessor did the Emperor Maximilian appreciate his services, for he
appointed him Councillor and Chancellor, and bestowed upon him as the
first ecclesiastical offices the Priories of Wördsee and Vitring in Carinthia.
Even at the opening of a career which was to lead him to the greatest
honours, his rich and brilliant mode of life forestalled his later destiny. It
is related by the chronicler that he took care to appear in public attended
by a company of eighteen horsemen. No doubt Matthew was a man after
Maximilian's own heart : if his fine intellectual culture made him one of
the most learned exponents of Humanism in the select circle that gathered
around the Emperor headed by the celebrated poet Conrad Celtes, he no
less contributed by graces of social form and his taste for sumptuous
surroundings to the public functions of the court.
" He was praised by everyone," relates Köhler, in his Pleasures of Money ^
" as a highly intelligent, very eloquent, generous, and extraordinarily clever
man, who was successful in all things, except when he wished to be a
Captain, and whom the Emperor could make use of, as he would. It must
also be said that the man's living was very expensive, for he had the idea
that the greater the Master whom one served, the larger should be the
sums of money spent in his service and for his honour, for which reason
the Emperor was wont to say of him, and of his predecessor, the thrifty
Archbishop Leonard : he had two chaplains in the Empire concerning
whom he must confess that he could neither empty the pockets of the
one nor yet fill those of the other. Then his household was more than
princely, his bounty kingly, and his bearing so lordly and magnificent
that he excelled all the Cardinals and Archbishops of his time. His theo-
logical morals could, however, not have been very well grounded, as, when
addressed on the subject of the conscience in doubtful matters, he often
replied, * What, then, is conscience ? ' "
In the year 1500, when the Chancellor accompanied his princely Master
to the Diet in Augsburg, and experienced with him the destruction of the
old imperial power through the development of free government, Matthew's
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relatives were already known to the Emperor. Two years previously
the latter had conferred upon them hereditary nobility. He now granted
them fresh tokens of his favour; Matthew was appointed Dean of the
Cathedral in his native city, and to this was shortly added a similar
position in Constance. But an event still more important* for the family
possibly transpired in those days. In the heavy cares which darkened
Maximilian's outlook into the future and caused him to exclaim for the
admonition of the twenty princes of the Diet: "If one does nothing more
than what has already come to pass, he will no longer delay and wait till
the crown be lifted from his head, but will himself cast it at his feet, and
grasp at the fragments " — into this dark mood of his soul a ray of comfort-
ing and cheering light appears to have fallen, a ray which beamed from
the eyes of a daughter of the house of Lang, and dispelled the shadows.
If hitherto none of the German Chroniclers yielded us knowledge of
this secret, Marino Sanuto betrayed it me, and with a hesitating hand I
essayed to lift the thin but impenetrable veil which had formerly concealed
it. In two places where he speaks of ApoUonia he mentions — not without
misrepresenting the true circumstances by reason of exaggerated report —
that she was the favourite of the Emperor, and even that Matthew's
exaltation to the highest positions was in no small measure due to the
influence of the charm exercised by his sister. When the Emperor's first
meeting with the patrician's lovely daughter took place is indeed not stated,
but we may reasonably conjecture that it occurred at this period in Augs-
burg, not to dispense with the proof that Apollonia not long after-
wards left her home and her parents to enter the court of her Imperial
Lord, where she was appointed maid -of- honour to the Empress. So
Philippina Welser was then not the first of Augsburg's daughters who
became a sharer in rare honours; and remarkably enough in the same
city with which Philippina's memory was to be associated for all time, in
Innsbruck, in the year 1503, Apollonia also experienced a new change in
her fortunes.
She seems to have possessed an irresistible attraction and to have drawn
all hearts to herself. "The eldest daughter of John Lang," — so I find in a
short sketch of the family (written prior to 1 510), — "called Apollonia, became
one of the women in the Roman King's court, and bore herself so virtuously
and honourably that Counts and Lords came to seek her in marriage."
And Zimmern in his Chronicle mentions the rumour that among the
passionate adorers of Apollonia was Duke George of Bavaria. " In the
Emperor Maximilian's household was a damsel named Lang, because of
3
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whose face he was as one distraught, so much so that for her sake he con-
tinued to follow the Emperor's court." It was, however, Count Julian von
Lodron who from among her many wooers bore away the prize.
"To-day (the ist of October)," relates the Venetian Ambassador, "was
celebrated the wedding of a sister of the first Royal Secretary — Master
Matthew Lang — and maid-of-honour to the Queen, with a son of Master
Parisoto von Lodron " — (among whose ancestors was, possibly, the Count
Paris Lodron to whom Giuletta Capuletti was promised in marriage, whose
story was so graphically told by the Veronese crossbowman to his Captain,
Luigi da Porto) — " and the whole day long there was feasting and tilting till
the sixth hour of the night. And to-morrow the Margrave of Brandenburg
will enter the lists. And the Hereditary Duke himself is come to the
festivities." And he further adds : that Matthew Lang said to him, " he
had paid out six thousand ducats for his sister, whom he had wedded to
the son of Paris von Lodron, and there were the most beautiful merry-
makings."
So the favourite of Maximilian's court became the wife of Count Julian
von Lodron.
In the same year Matthew Lang was appointed Administrator and
Coadjutor of the bishopric of Gurk. Two years later he was exalted to the
office of its Bishop. To the title of nobility conferred upon the family on
the 24th of August 1498 was added in 1507 the possession of the Castle
of Wellenburg on the Lechfield near Augsburg. In 1460 the Langs
had for a time held possession of this originally episcopal property, —
evidently by inheritance from the Onsorges, to which race the grandmother
of Matthew belonged, — which was now purchased jointly by Matthew
and the Emperor Maximilian (from Anthony Lauginger) and in part, at
least, was given to John Lang.
The latter continued owner of the whole property, though the King
retained the right to build a castle upon it, to which Matthew on his part
added a fortified country seat and surrounded it with beautiful gardens
and avenues of trees. After this castle, which, when Ferdinand had sold
his share in it, belonged wholly to the Langs, from whom it was purchased
in 1595 by the princely house of Fugger, in whose possession it has
remained to the present day, the Langs were called — "of Wellenburg."
Though until the time in question the activity of the Imperial
Secretary, now Bishop of Gurk, had remained chiefly limited to Germany,
in the year 1 508 came the moment in which he should as diplomatist enter
the field of European politics. Sent as Ambassador to conclude the
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Cardinal Matthew Lang.
After a Drawing by Albert Dürer, in the Albertina, in Vienna.
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I
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League between the Pope, France, and the other powers, it was he who
from this time forward represented the Emperor's interest in Italian affairs
: — "like a second Emperor" — it was said in Venice.
When (after the conclusion of peace between Julius II. and the
Venetians, the treaty for which was unfavourable to the French residents
in Lombardy) an attempt at reunion was made in the Congress of Mantua
in 151 1, Venice endeavoured to persuade Matthew Lang, who had received
from the Emperor the title of Governor in Italy, to enter into league against
France. At a meeting with the Pope in Bologna, at which Matthew was
received with the greatest pomp, a settlement of affairs was attempted ;
but the negotiations were wrecked by the haughty, unbending claims of
the Germans, who demanded the complete restoration of all the imperial
possessions held by the Venetians. The latter, however, would not permit
themselves to be so easily alarmed. Their Envoy received commands to
renew his efforts with the Emperor, and in order that these might prevail,
to promise the Bishop of Gurk ten thousand gulden and benefices worth
four thousand ducats on Venetian territory in the event of his closing
the agreement. On the other side, the Pope determined to make his own
influence felt, and created Matthew a Cardinal in December of the same
year. These advances between Pope and Emperor, however, brought
good only to the latter, and not to Venice, who saw herself more than ever
shut out from the new league. Lang, who with a skilful hand had guided
the party changes in Italy for Maximilian's and his own benefit, returned
filled with proud satisfaction from Rome to Germany, where he erected a
last resting-place in the Cathedral of Augsburg for his father, who had
departed this life after witnessing the triumphs of his son. With a second
journey to Rome to the newly-elected Pope, the Medici Leo X., whose
especial friendship this worldly-wise and ingenious man knew so well
how to win permanently for himself, closed Matthew's important and
energetic activity as a diplomatist in Italy in the year 15 13. With
brilliant festivities in his honour Augsburg in the following year received
her son, who, in addition to the dignities of being Coadjutor and successor
of the Archbishop of Salzburg, was adorned with a Cardinal's hat.
Among all the German names to be found in the reports of the
Venetian Ambassadors during the first decade of the sixteenth century, that
of the Count Julian von Lodron does not appear, except for the incidental
mention of his marriage having been celebrated in Innsbruck. While the
influence and activity of Matthew Lang became more widely renowned
from year to year, his sister seems to have led a quiet life in the companion-
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ship of her husband. It also appears that Julian and ApoUonia chose a
castle in the neighbourhood of Ober-Vellach, in the Moll Valley in Carinthia,
^ as their dwelling-place. In an undated document, written probably
\ between the years 1504 and 1508, it is stated that Maximilian mortgaged
the Castle and estate of Falkenstein, the domain of Kirchheim, and the
Custom-house at Ober-Vellach to the Count and his wife for the sum of
four thousand five hundred gulden. After dwelling together in it for only
a short time, in 15 10, Apollonia became a widow. In the same year she
received from the Emperor under a mortgage of two thousand six hundred
gulden the Castles and domains of Blaiburg, Schwarzenbach, and Gutenstein
near Villach — a settlement which was altered in Augsburg on the loth of
August 1 5 12, to this extent, that their possession was permanently secured
to her after six thousand three hundred gulden had been added to the
pledge.
Mortgages, arithmetical figures — like spectres they arise out of the
gloom which for years shrouds Apollonia's life from our view, as if
mocking the seeker who, after the first foreboding glance into the wonder
of young and blessed love, cherishes the audacious hope of being further
permitted to share in the sufferings and experiences of a wifely soul when
bereft of the charm of her happiness. O vain delusion ! As if ever such
pain arose out of its own depths to reveal itself to another in the cold
light of day, as if it sought opportunity either on the pages of history
or in the words of a complaining mouth to express itself — ^buried worlds,
. which only after they are turned to stone, but never when filled with the
breath of life, are beheld by the eye of man !
But new experiences with inevitable change ever arise out of the past
From the South, from a wild war-filled life, there drew near as wooer to
the patrician daughter of Augsburg the Croatian Count who had dedicated
his sword to the Emperor's service in the war against Venice. In her
Castle in Blaiburg, before the wedding music had died away, Apollonia
heard the clanging of weapons which had been sharpened for new deeds,
and before she was permitted to believe in the reality of a renewed
existence, she saw the strong, intrepid man, who had won her for himself,
march forth at the head of his troops to encounter an unknown fate !
" Myt Willen dyn eygen " — were these the words that she murmured
to the departing figure ?
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Now that my researches had reached this point in the history of
Christoph Frangipani, a presentiment as to who had lost the ring in
Pordenone could no longer be repressed. On the evening of the 19th of
January I gathered the notes which I had hitherto collected together and
wibte upon the envelope that contained them —
" Frangipani^s Ring."
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Chapter V.
The Combats in Friuli, 15 14.
" Round all the place were ranged my foes."
The Valkyrie,
jHILE Matthew Lang endeavoured with word and pen to
protect the rights of his Imperial Master, the Bishop's
brother-in-law strove to enforce them by violence. In my
preceding brief account of the siege of Pordenone have
already been incidentally described the early events of
a campaign which now that the fortunes of Count Christoph
Frangipani have acquired a deeper interest demands critical
attention ; for it appears as if this whole expedition against Venice was
much more that of a single man than of the German Empire, which he
served. All its actions, all their results, all good and evil fortune are
invariably linked with a single name : that of Christoph Frangipani.
In the three greater events: the conquest of Marano, the combats
around Pordenone, and the beleaguering of Osopo, are contained the
history of the war, and in relation to these events the three Generals of
the Signoria engaged in the defence with whom Christoph Frangipani had
to measure his forces were Baldassare di Scipioni, Bartolommeo d'Alviano,
and Girolamo Savorgnan«
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The important Venetian fortress Marano, situated on the Adriatic Sea
near old Aquileja, was the first point against which the German troops
were led by their Commander, when in the b^inning of December 1513
the preparations for war in Gorizia and Gradisca were completed.
" At this time," relates the Venetian historian Pietro Giustiniani, " the
Castle of Marano, of which AUessandro Marcello was Commandant,
was through the most hateful treachery taken and garrisoned by the
enemy, which came to pass in the following manner. A priest of the
place named Bartolo was an old and trusted companion of Marcello,
and it was this scoundrel who began the rascally proceedings and
secretly determined to give the fortress over to the Germans. With
this intent he went to Marcello, and deceitfully begged for the keys of the
gate, saying that he wished to go hunting betimes on the following morn-
ing, as was his wont, for he was a good sportsman. The other, who little
thought of treachery, commanded that the keys should be given him, upon
which the faithless priest quickly opened a small door at the break of day,,
and, as he had previously agreed with the Germans, admitted thirty Polish
horsemen with the Commander in Chief, Christofolo Frangipani. And
straightway there appeared another body of Germans, who had held them-
selves in ambush in the neighbourhood. The watchmen were cut down, the
city was garrisoned and Marcello taken prisoner. After Marano had been
so treacherously lost, the Venetians gathered a great number of soldiers both
on land and water, and determined, under the lead of Baldassare Scipioni
and Hieronimo Savorgnan, men of zeal and judgment, to reconquer it ; and
that all things might prosper they sent for Francesco Mosto, a man of great
experience in naval enterprises, in order to storm the place boldly both from
sea and land. The siege indeed presented great difficulties owing to the
situation of the town, which is surrounded on all sides by lagoons and quite
shallow water. In spite of this, however, they pressed forward undaunted
over water and land till they were close under the walls, and as soon as the
ladders were raised a number of soldiers, on the sides facing land and
water, sprang up them without delay, and had they been followed by
others fired with the same zeal the place would assuredly have been retaken.
But in the same moment that a few succeeded in scaling the wall, the
enemy arose and sprang upon them in such a way that the Venetians were
compelled to retreat and valiantly to defend themselves on the fleet, which,,
owing to the ebbing of the tide, was almost left stranded on dry ground ;
and when the enemy saw this they determined not to let such a fine oppor-
tunity escape them, and rushing out with all speed they attacked both
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the fleet and the army, and when the greater portion of our men
had been cut down, they succeeded perfectly in both undertakings, and
captured a galley on the land and many flags and guns from the artil-
lery; and when the Venetians heard that large companies of Germans
were coming to the aid of their fellows, they withdrew from the attack,
being thrown into confusion by this and the forced surrender. Not
long afterwards that betrayer of Marano, Bartolo, fell into their hands,
after being seized by NicoI6 da Pesaro in the neighbourhood of Porto-
gruero. He paid in Venice the penalty of his treachery : suspended by
one foot from a rope stretched between the two columns, he was stoned by
all the people, and so perished miserably."
The loss of Marano aroused bitter feeling in Venice. Accounts of
the daring acts performed by Count Christoph during the attack passed
from mouth to mouth, and the greater part of the blame for the surrender,
after that incurred by the traitorous priest, fell upon Baldassare di Scipioni,
who, when called upon to defend himself in Venice, vanished from the seat
of the war. The excitement and indignation, however, arose still higher,
when tidings were received of an incredibly ferocious deed committed by
the wild Frangipani in the neighbourhood of Marano.
" It is reported that the enemy sent a message to the inhabitants of
Mozano, one of the most beautiful villages in Friuli, hard by Marano, that
all should come to Marano and swear fealty to the Emperor. And when
the unfortunate people feared to do so, Count Christoph Frangipani,
Commander in Chief of the army, gave them every assurance of protection
if they would but come to him ; and when about one hundred and fifteen of
them appeared, he had both the eyes of all those who were over sixty years
old put out, while the younger men lost each one eye and two fingers from
their right hands, and had a cross also cut on their faces — a cruelty so great
that the Turks themselves would not have been guilty of it. After this he
sent to their village and ordered all the women and children who remained
therein to be dragged forth and sent to Marano, and during three days
they robbed and destroyed all that could be found in the said village, so
that it was the very greatest plundering."
This account may have been exaggerated by the indignation felt against
the much-dreaded enemy, but that Frangipani's impetuous blood drove him
to a horrible deed is not to be doubted, as he himself later confessed it
openly without shame. He compelled the innocent to experience in a
terrible way the hatred which he cherished towards the enemies of his house.
No wonder that fear and anxiety spread rapidly throughout Friuli, that
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the Venetian Generals made furtive attempts to strengthen their forces
with the troops under Malatesta Baglioni, who was approaching from
Treviso. The first result of this was that the Germans, after taking
Monfalcone, retreated to Gorizia and Gradisca, in order in their turn to
augment their own army with fresh forces in the beginning of January 15 14.
When these had been increased to the number of two thousand foot
soldiers and five thousand horsemen on the 13th of February, Christoph
began to move towards Udine, which was deserted by Savorgnan and
Baglioni, and took possession of that city without striking a blow — as
he did also in Cividale, Spilimbergo, and Pordenone — and then followed
Savorgnan to Osopo, in the storming of which unlooked-for obstacles
crossed his path.
Great plans may have occupied his thoughts during his victorious
march onward. He may have pictured himself already on the way to
Treviso, and even in Mestre, in sight of the wonder-city with her hundred
towers and shimmering palaces arising from the waters of the lagoons, and
under the curse of his ambitious thoughts and intoxicated with glory may
have felt himself exalted higher and higher — ^then his fortune departed from
him ! Terrified by superstitious fears, he believed that Heaven itself foretold
disaster through the loss of a precious relic. A few days later, on his return
from Pordenone to Osopo, came the intelligence that the gallant defenders
of the town with all their weapons had been forced to surrender, and
had been taken as prisoners to Venice. He himself, however, when he
received these tidings lay stretched upon his couch, a wounded man.
The Castle of Osopo, before whose walls, in spite of desperate efforts, the
passion and power of the Count were to be broken, guarded the passage
from Carinthia into Friuli of the great highway between Germany and
Italy. Northward near Chiusa di Venzone begins the wild valley through
which the rushing Tagliamento pours its waters, where the Venetian
possessions extended up to the place called Pontebba, that to-day
marks the boundary between Austria and Italy. "The mountain of
Osopo," — we will let Pietro Giustiniani describe it, — " at whose foot flows
the Tagliamento, is of incredible steepness, and is set there by Nature for
the astonishment of mortals, while on the eastern and southern sides it
is so surrounded by precipitous rocks that one may say it is wholly
inaccessible. The other, western, side is not so steep, and the path is
smooth for the cattle and for carts. At the same time are to be found,
round about, various sharply cut rocks, so worn on all sides by the
weather that they resemble artificial towers built with blocks of stone. And
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on one side of the mountain, namely that facing towards the south, is
situated the fortress of Osopo, under which lies a little valley with a small
plain. To this place the enemy brought their cannon and began such a
firing against the fortress and the lesser gate that a portion of the wall fell
in. Upon this the Germans attacked the town from the other side near San
Quirino with weapons of every description, and sorely tormented the people
of Osopo with their incessant firing. When Savorgnan perceived this, he
called a number of soldiers together, sallied forth, and breaking into the
midst of the enemy forced them backward and followed them out to their
own camp, slaying and wounding many of them. He then set fire to the
adjacent villages, where the Germans had their quarters, and burned a vast
quantity of weapons and provisions. But little intimidated by all this,
Frangipani determined on taking the place by siege, as it seemed im-
possible to do so by force. And he felt the more confident of succeeding
by this method as he well knew that the inhabitants were suffering from
the lack of provisions."
" But the Fathers of the Senate in Venice, on being informed of the
foregoing events through the letters received from Savorgnan, moved that
Alviano should go to Friuli with the companies that appeared to him most
trustworthy, and at the same time they wrote to Savorgnan and the elder
officers, exhorting them to be faithful to their duty : they would shortly
receive the aid which would defend the Fatherland, the churches, and
all their possessions. Besides this, they promised that all those who had
acquitted themselves worthily in the service of the Republic should not
receive scanty wages, and that they would answer for their being honoured
in all possible ways. Upon learning this the soldiers and inhabitants
of Osopo decided to a man to endure every hardship, let it be what it
might, and when no more water was to be had they gave their horses wine.
But when Alviano with the auxiliary troops drew near, Frangipani, in order
to escape from the danger, ordered his whole army to give up the siege ; on
which our men seized upon those in his rear and laid not a few of them
low, and Frangipani took twelve cannon which he could not drag away
with him, and left them in those pathless forests, and only with great
difficulty did he reach a safe place with his men. Savorgnan, however,
won great praise from the Venetians for his conduct in this afTair, and was
elected a noble in the Great Council, and publicly proclaimed Count of
Belgrado and Osopo."
The recital of the Venetian historian, who with a few words unites the
graphic description of the preceding events contained in Savorgnan's
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letters, gives indeed a measure of the general facts of the case, but he
forgets to mention the accident which was the chief cause of the retreat of
the Germans — namely, the severe wound which their Commander had
received. Day after day despatches arrived in Venice and were copied
by Sanuto into his Diary.
"On the 24th of March from Osopo: with the stones which were
hurled from the fortress, many have been killed and others seriously injured ;
among these is Count Christoph, who was struck with a piece of rock on
the head. Whereupon he was carried out of the camp in order that he
might be healed."
*' On the 2Sth of March from Sacile : it appears that Count Christoph,
who in the dress of a peasant had climbed half-way up the mountain, was
wounded with a piece of rock, and afterwards carried away, and, in order
that he might recover, was brought to a certain camp."
The same report is given in Count Savorgnan's letters, and on the
margin of one of them is written the verse —
Frangipanis eram, sed dum volo fragere saxa
Osopi, frangunt, heu I mihi saza caput.
"From the 29th to the 31st of March: I have here heard of Count
Christoph, under the mountain of Osopo, that in consequence of the firing
of a great cannon, a piece of rock was loosened from the mountain and
struck him on the right temple, so that he was instantly hurled to the
ground, and had he not worn his helmet upon his head he would surely
have died on the spot, for it was a deadly blow. And when they tried to
remove the helmet they were forced to saw it and to break it into three
pieces ; upon this the Count fell into such a swoon that he lay for a day
as though dead, and was afterwards carried to Venzone, in order that he
might be healed."
"On the 31st of March: I heard yesterday, how in the twenty-second
hour Count Christoph was carried out of Gemona on a litter ; of his recovery
the physicians have little hope: judica Domini recta — the judgments of
the Lord are right"
"On the 1st of April: Count Christoph was seen yesterday in the
great inn at Venzone in an evil condition through the stone which struck
him before Osopo. The said Count would make an effort to rise, in
order to put on his clothing, but he was unable to do so ; he was therefore
compelled to return to his bed, and was indeed nigh unto death from the
blow which he had received."
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Carried upon a litter, Christoph left the vainly attacked fortress of
Osopo, and moved northward with his troops to Gemona, thence to Chiusa
di Venzone, and back in the direction of Pontebba. The omen prophesy-
ing misfortune had told him the truth. But the unconquerable will defied
Fate and bade the pain-racked body collect itself.
" On the eve of Sunday, in the night," relates a man named Bernardo
da Terenzan, " I fled from Treviso, and on the following day (the 2nd of
April) I saw a man sitting on a beautiful black horse, from which he
straightway fell to the ground, and it was said by all who stood near that
it was the Count Christoph, and his countenance was quite black, and they
laid him quickly upon a litter, and threw over him a covering of gold
brocaded cloth, and the people about him all wept and carried him forth
upon the litter, I know not whither."
Two days long Venice rejoiced over the death of her most dangerous
enemy, until on the 7th of April news came from Udine : " it is certainly
reported that Count Christoph has entered Gradisca. Count Bernhardin
Frangipani, his father, has arrived with fifty horsemen in Gorizia on learning
that his son has been wounded, having been summoned by the wife of the
latter, the sister of the Cardinal of Gurk, who is herself also in that place."
On the same day Christoph sent the following manifesto to the com-
munity of Udine : —
" To the Honourable Nobilit}'', Council, and People of Udine,
worthiest Friends."
"Although we are fully persuaded that you, bound in duty by the
bonds of the oath and the bonds of his Imperial Majesty and of the most
noble and faithful house of Austria and its well-grounded unswerving
trust in your loyalty, have kept unchangeable faith and uprightness, I have
also heard of several base and perjured men who, without respect for the
promised fealty and the oath, have cut themselves off from the true opinion
and have set themselves in opposition to the good and the faithful, who
through anxiety do not dare to go forth against them because they believe
that the whole Imperial Army is completely beaten and destroyed, and
that all we are dead. I do therefore admonish and require of you, that on
receiving this you shall send me a decided answer by letter, in order to
certify me whether your meaning, will, and intention is to remain under
the obligation of fidelity to the Imperial Majesty, as you have previously
promised and sworn, or not, in order that we may know in what manner
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we have to deal with you, should you with harmful intent be engaged
against the aforesaid, which we, however, do not believe, and you would
have no more just excuse if we drew near to you, and we would then make
no further agreement or contract with you. But those aforesaid criminals
and perjurers who revolted against us believed that Bartolommeo d'Alviano
with his army had arrived before Gorizia, and without further trouble would
take Gorizia, Gradisca, and Trieste, because he would find the said places
without the protection of troops, weapons, or ammunition, and that the
Imperial Army would never again enter the Fatherland. But he — since he
was bravely met before Gorizia and informed of our approach — had with
double rage and haste to withdraw from thence to his shame and loss ; and
all tliose who held us for beaten and dead will have cause to regret their
ill deeds and their folly. Monfalcone, who owing to the counsel of a few
changed her mind, soon learned her mistake, and on Wednesday last
willingly returned to her allegiance to the Imperial Majesty, through fear
of being chastised for her fault ; and her citizens in order to save themselves
have in their anger brought four who were the first to renounce their
fidelity, and your aforementioned fellow-citizen Francesco Columbato, with
a small company from Girolamo Savorgnan, was also taken prisoner.
" From the most fortunate Imperial camp near Cormons, on the 7th of
April 1 5 14,
"Christoph de Frangipanibus, Count
"James, Chief Councillor of his Imperial Majesty with the army.
" John von Augsburger, Baron.
" George von Lamsberger, and other Imperial Councillors of War."
From the vigorous words of this manifesto it would not be suspected
that he who dictated it was engaged in a bitter struggle for supremacy
with death itself. For several weeks Christoph remained upon his sickbed
in Gradisca. The illness which ApoUonia had to nurse was not alone of
the body, but also that of the spirit. " It was openly reported that the
Count had received commands from the Emperor to return to his own
home, as he would no longer have him for Commander in Chief. And
because of the disgrace of being beaten and turned out of Friuli, much
more than on account of his wound, he kept to his bed." And further :
" it is likewise said, that the Count is looked down upon by all, and that he
is no longer Commander in Chief, and will be regarded as a traitor. Also
that he has had all his goods sent to Krainburg, but he himself can do
nothing because the blood has injured his brain."
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Such were the reports that were carried to Venice, where they found a
ready credence. Much in them may possibly have been true, but they
greatly erred who believed that the Frangipani had relinquished all plans
for the future. On the 22nd of April he held a Council of War, in which
he decided to make the utmost efforts to repulse the enemy. But even
the strength lent by despair could lead him to no more victories. It
was too late. After Bartolommeo d'Alviano had retaken Pordenone and
relieved Osopo, and had gone about in rapid marches recovering the lost
country for the Venetians, he pressed forward and stood, encouraged by
his daily successes, before Gorizia and Gradisca. From the net which
he had thrown over Christoph there was now no hope of escape. The
only friend and helper who remained true to the Count was his father,
Bernhardin, who on his part renewed the old war against the much-hated
Venetians, sent Croatian horsemen to Gorizia, and himself went from
Veglia to Marano in order that he might at least defend this place for the
German Emperor when it was besieged by Savorgnan.
On the 29th of April the first skirmish between the Imperialists and
the Venetians took place. The leader of the latter, the Proveditore Juan
Vituri, took several prisoners, but returned them to Christoph, with the
remark : ^' that it was in this fashion that Christians in Italy carried on the
war, and not as he had done to those whose eyes he had put out" High-
sounding words, which were nevertheless only the cloak of premeditated
deceit, as the self-same Vituri reported to Venice, " he had returned the
prisoners in order that they should not see what we were about."
The encircling enemy drew closer and closer, the efforts to break through
their lines proved more and more futile, with every week the prospect of
relief became fainter, and to hope — already crippled — the end came on
the 5th of July. In the evening of that day there appeared before the
Governor of Udine a courier from the camp at Gradisca, who breathlessly
related the news that Count Christoph had been wounded and taken
prisoner. At the same time with this general announcement the detailed
report was sent by Juan Vituri from the Castello di Porpedo to the
Signoria in Venice, as follows —
" I had as usual sent Stradiotic horsemen to Gradisca in order that
they might observe the movements of the enemy. The same had reported
to me that the Croatians always followed them at the distance of
about three miles.
" Upon this it seemed good to me to try if some prisoners might possibly
be captured, and I sent for the company of Master Petro di Longena,
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which lay near to Marano, in order to secure greater safety for our men,
albeit their own number was sufficient And so early this morning at
the third hour of the day I sent twenty-five horsemen before the walls
of Gradisca, and I myself lay with other soldiers in ambush. Those
horsemen then withdrew to Marano before the enemy, who rushed out of
the town, and the enemy, when they saw our horsemen retreating, made
haste to pursue them. Upon this our soldiers rushed forward, and
Count Christoph was wounded and taken prisoner with about fifty others ;
a portion of the remainder were wounded and killed, and of our own men
eight were taken prisoners. And so they returned in triumph, and to-
morrow the said Count Christoph will be led before Marano, in order to
make an attempt with his aid to bring that city to surrender. Count
Christoph has told me that in two days the Emperor himself is expected
to enter Laibach."
It was a day of feasting throughout Venice on which Juan Vituri's
letter was read aloud : thanksgiving and joy reigned in the College. The
Ambassadors of France and of Hungary came solemnly to offer their
congratulations to the Signoria. " At the same time it was decided that
as soon as the Count should be come, he should be brought to the new
hall of the Signori di Notte, and should there be cross-questioned ; it
would then be possible to learn the truth with regard to the Emperor's
intentions, and all else besides. And the said hall, in which several
of the nobility were through the Council of Ten held in captivity,
was well swept"
Frangipani was next brought to Porpedo, where, on account of the
wound which he had received in battle, a day of rest was accorded him.
The plan of leading him to Marano was not fulfilled, to the great regret of
Savorgnan, who was bitterly annoyed that the Count should be treated like
a gentleman and receive honours which were unseemly for a prisoner who
had done so much harm. But Christoph himself brought to naught the
plans which Savorgnan had made for him. When summoned to go to
Marano, and there to persuade his nephew, Count Michael, and the other
officers to surrender, he replied : " No, not I ; for if I go thither I will bid
them to hold it, for I will be no traitor. And besides, of this Castle my
nephew is indeed not the Governor, but certain other Bohemian officers
who are there." And on being called Savorgnan's prisoner, he said :
" I am not thy prisoner, but the prisoner of the Signoria."
Count Savorgnan refers to the forgoing incidents with ill-concealed
displeasure in a letter to the Doge —
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^ Most noble Prince 1 This day the Count Christoph hath been led
hither. Of the manner and with what honours this hath been done, and
of the remarks which it hath called forth, I will express no further opinion,
as I must leave this task to others ; I may, however, very well say this :
had he in his proceedings fulfilled the duties of a good soldier towards
others, I should myself have been of the opinion that one must show him
respect ; but when I think of the trespasses which he hath committed
against the law and against military discipline, it truly doth not appear
to me that he meriteth so much consideration, or that his haughty speech
towards me should remain so wholly without punishment : especially as
what I said to him was spoken on behalf of all, in order to terrify him
and move him to comply with our purpose, that he should come to
Marano. For this truly is in his power, as he it was who seized the
place, furnished it with soldiers, supported and held it. But patience!
I beseech your Highness to hold him as a prisoner, and not, as I see hath
already come to pass, as a son. I remain at the service of your Highness."
Once more the two opponents had stood face to face. From this
time forward Christoph Frangipani and Girolamo Savorgnan were never
to meet again. On the 9th of June Christoph entered Venice — Andrea
Zivran's prophecy was fulfilled : " Patience ! Fate has but spared him for
the greater misfortune to himself, and has reserved for us the higher
honour."
A few days later the Emperor Maximilian entered Laibach — ^he came
too late to save his faithful servant, who in the short space of half a year
had conquered Friuli for him and lost it again. The only thing that
remained for him to do was to give such comfort as could be received from
trust in his friendship and his power to that lonely woman, who, with all
the anguish of a suflTering soul, saw the new longed-for happiness dashed
in pieces in the storms of inexorable Fate. Did these comforting words
find a willing and believing ear? Since the 23rd of April ApoUonia had
lain seriously ill in Gradisca.
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Chapter VI.
In the Torresella.
j^
** O peace ! while to that voice I listen.*'
The Valkyrie.
N the 9th day of June between the sixth and the ninth hours
Count Christoph Frangipani entered here. He was clad
according to the German habit. He is a young man of about
thirty-two years of age, handsome and tall in person, but
thin. The same Count Christoph was slightly wounded in
the face. It is reported that he rode upon a rarely beautiful horse
of gfreat value, which Ser Juan Vituri the Proveditore in Friuli
afterwards received as a gift."
The arrival of this man, whose name had for years only been mentioned
in Venice with terror and indignation, was indeed a great event. He was
at last seen face to face, and as he stepped from the gondola and entered
the Doge's Palace he was followed by the inquisitive glances of countless
bystanders who gazed after the tall figure with secret shuddering and
out-spoken malicious joy until the gates had closed behind him. While
the prisoner was being conducted to the hall of the Signori di Notte, the
populace without had enough to relate of all the enterprises which he had
undertaken against the State ; of his defeat in personal encounter with
4
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the gallant Andrea Zivran ; of the conquest, through treachery, of the
fortress of Marano ; of his cruelty towards the peasants of Mozano ; of
the capture of the German officers in Pordenone ; of the combats around
Osopo ; how attired in peasant's clothing he had stealthily attempted to
approach the fortress, how the fragment of rock had struck him, and how
he came into the power of Vituri before Gradisca. All his deeds lived
anew, in free discussion, in the alleys and on the piazzas of Venice — while
their memories like dark phantoms followed the lonely man over the
threshold of the prison.
On the following day the Council of Ten met in secret conclave, and
resolved to appoint the Torresella in the Palazzo Ducale as the abode of
the Count. It was at the same time decided that the g^ard should be
strengthened, and instead of the servant who was there at the moment,
another should be appointed upon whose faithfulness the utmost reliance
could be placed, and that Christoph Frangipani with Captain Rainer,
Guido de la Torre, and one Christoph Callepin (who was also possibly
taken prisoner in those days), should be subjected to a judicial examina-
tion. Of the result of this no report is preserved to us — doubtless, like
Frangipani, the others also remained true to their Imperial Master, and
declined to make any statement. The Torresella, in which Count Christoph,
Rainer, and Rizzan together took up their comfortless abode, was the room
set apart for the most distinguished prisoners. The last man who in 1510
was held in honourable captivity in the little tower which at that time still
arose over the old building at the south-east corner of the Doge's Palace,
as a punishment for his secession from the side of Venice to that of
Massimiliano Sforza, was the Marquess of Mantua, Francesco Gonzaga.
The remembrance of the glorious departure of this Gonzaga as the newly
elected Commander of the Venetian Army may possibly have awakened
in Frangipani comforting ideas of a similar happy turn in his own fortunes.
But the walls which surrounded him could also relate other experiences ;
such as the terrible history of the last of the race of Carrara who ruled
Padua in the fourteenth century, and while pursuing madly audacious con-
spiracies against the Republic of Venice were secretly compelled during the
hours of night to consummate their repentance through execution. The
inexorable ruler according to whose harsh decrees the Ten behind closed
doors, acquitting and condemning, led the destinies of the State was the
goddess of Politics — upon whose whim now hung the fortunes of the
man to whose sleepless eyes in the depths of the night the shades of
Francesco Carrara and Francesco Gonzaga became visible. Was this
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captivity then but a preparation for fresh honours, or was it the passage
leading to death ?
But the dark visions of the night vanished when the young man, who
felt the fiery pulse-beats of the strength of being throbbing within him,
saw the light of the new day gleam through his window. On the pale
blue waters, to the far outstretching lagoons of the Lido, on which the
sunbeams lightened in blinding play, mighty ships moved by wind-filled
coloured sails, and laden with rich merchandise, glided slowly to the
highway of the sea ; barges steered by a vigorous hand, hardly floating
beneath the weight of vegetables and fruits, curved under the Ponte di
Paglia into the shady canal ; in lightly gliding gondolas with tapestry-
coyered canopies the Senators drew near to the morning sitting of the
Council in the Palazzo Ducale. But on the Riva there pressed head to
head in the costumes of all climes, a gaily-coloured moving throng of
buyers and sellers. Like joyful hope the breath of all this noisy, restless
life uplifted itself to the Torresella, and when the bells rang out from the
age-grey tower of the cloister of S. Giorgio, Frangipani's knee was bent
and his spirit lost itself in believing prayer for the fulfilment of his hope,
and offered a solemn vow.
On the other side of Adria's surges there, whence the sun came, whither
the ships sped, there — Frangipani knew it — his father and his brothers
were arming themselves on the home-mountains to regain his freedom
by force; there his Imperial Master tarried, who would not forsake his
faithful servant; there he was remembered in hallowed prayer by the
sister of the all-powerful Cardinal, whose word had already decided so
much in Italy — his wife Apollonia. "Spes mea in Deo est" (My
hope is set truly in God) — was not this his device?
But Venice! What had he formerly known of this city — of this
State ? What sort of communal spirit was that, which, at war with half the
world, carried on its business as quietly and securely as if ruled in perfect
peace ? Army after army it had sent out against the French, against the
Spaniards, against the Pope, against Milan, against the Emperor, until in
spite of all its riches one would have thought it must be nearing dissolution
— but these sounds which arose from the life of the city to the remote
Torresella were the echoes of festivities of such brilliance and luxury as could
only be celebrated by care-free, happy people ! Where lay the unfailing
source of this incomparable power — in the almost fabulous treasures which
had been accumulating for nearly a thousand years ? — in the courage and
cheerful self-sacrifice of the Venetians ? — in that many-membered intensely
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living organism — the Government, that in the pillared halls, the spacious
apartments, and the dungeons of this Palazzo Ducale exercised a never-
wearying power? Or was it the tomb of St. Mark, which hidden in the
purple twilight under the lofty dome poured out its stream of eternal
blessing over the island kingdom of the lagoons ? What a vain dream to
imagine that Venice could at any .time be vanquished !
This Venice had at one time bestowed upon Frangipani's ancestral
lord, John, power and possessions — had exalted his race to the rank of
the patrician families — ^this same Venice had wedded another ancestor to
one of the Morosini — by capricious choice had taken the territory back
again, and since then what had all the wars of the Frangipanis profited ?
Delivered up to the caprice of his enemies — not like that second John who
was enabled to evade their power through flight — he was compelled to
await whatever should be inflicted upon him.
Flight ? Christoph Callepin and another, Hannibal del Tan, tried that
and actually succeeded in escaping from prison. But the Council of Ten
did not remain inactive : the promise of a reward of three thousand pounds
for the bringing back of the fugitives did not fail in its effect, and resulted
in a secret execution of the recaptured Callepin.
One morning as Christoph and his two companions went to the window
their glances fell upon the execution of a death-sentence which, according
to custom, took place between the two columns on the Piazzetta — in order
to overawe the populace and deter them from crime. Full of horror and
indignation they withdrew, believing that the act had been perpetrated
before them with deliberate intent, and they kept the door of the
balcony closed throughout the day, in order that they might see nothing
further.
Both secretly and openly, the avenging arm of Venetian justice knew
unfailingly how to reach and to punish the guilty. To accustom himself
to endurance, however madly the blood within him leaped. Count Christoph
now realised that no other course remained for him.
But he also soon learned to appreciate the unusual consideration which
was accorded him.
This was not only shown in the respect due to one of his name and
station, which had already found expression in the choice of his place of
captivity by the Signoria, but he was also permitted to send letters to his
home from time to time and to receive others in reply, with the natural
proviso, that their contents did not remain unknown to the Venetian
Government. This must certainly have influenced the style of his writing.
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and entailed that isolated passages should intentionally be made dark and
difficult to understand and should contain a double meaning. Only after
the letters had been read aloud before the College, and the industrious
Marino Sanuto had, according to rule, copied them into his Diaries, did
they wander on their way to the hand of the recipient. But it appears
that this permission was not immediately granted to the Count, for the
first epistle sent him by Apollonia in reply to his first letter, which has
been lost to us, is dated July 17th. Six long weeks had elapsed since
the beginning of his captivity before he might read the following — which
is as nearly as possible a literal translation from the Italian.
**To the mighty, high-born Lord, Lord Christoph, Prince Count of
Frangipani, of Zengg, Fogels, and Modrus — Councillor to the
Imperial Majesty and commanding officer at Karst, my worthy
and honoured Husband."
" Mighty, high and honourable Lord, most tenderly beloved Husband :
may my unbounded, eternal and inviolable love and faithfulness be ofiered
you ! With my whole good and true heart I make known to your Lord-
ship that I have for a certain reason removed from Adelsberg and am come
unto Gramburg, where also I have received the letter, sent me by your
Grace from your suitable prison, which hath filled me with great joy,
whereof I will write to my gracious Lord, as your Grace writeth.
"For the same we must both return to God our hearty thanks.
Likewise to that gracious Lord, my brother, the Cardinal, which I have
already done, and will continue to do in future, and I have a steadfast hope
that his favour will do the utmost in every way and on every side, and
that he will not cease in the exercise of every careful endeavour, and I also
will renew and increase my efforts for your Grace that more money may
be sent to you through Zanus four days after this letter ; and I have sent
your Grace, through a merchant of Laibach, an exchange of an hundred
ducats, and I therefore do trust that your Grace hath received it. And it
shall never come to pass, for any reason whatsoever, that your Grace shall
suffer hardship so long as I live. I have also sent a copy of your writing
to my gracious Lord and honoured Father, by the mighty Lord my
dearest Brother, the Count Ferdinand, with the humble request that he
will hold your Grace in remembrance in fatherly love. As touching the
servant, I am ready to do all things suitably, as your Grace hath written ;
but to begin with the vintage, hath, to this moment, not been possible.
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And according to the wise counsel and desire of my mighty Ldrd and
Brother, Count Ferdinand, I have of late been to Blaiburg and did enter
therein on the 27th day of June and his good Grace did take leave of me
in a friendly and brotherly fashion. Also, gracious Lord, be it known to
your Highness, that Tomaso Socolorum lieth very ill, for the which cause
he can no longer attend to the business of your Lordship, and it is to
be feared that your Lordship will thereby suffer great loss ; the Doctor is
one Hieronymus von Odia. Herewith I commend you to Almighty God
and to Mary, His most worthy Mother. May they soon bring us together
with joy ! It is this hope that supporteth me."
" In all things your Grace's most faithful wife,
*• Apollonia,
Countess of Frangipani."
"Blaiburg, the 27th day of July 15 14."
What a voice is this that I hear I Through the humble, the childlike
words with what divine simplicity a heart strengthened by love speaks
to me!
Be comforted, captive Count Christoph! "Unbounded, eternal and
inviolable love " watches over thee ! Thy father, thy brothers, now become
her father, her brothers — rest not Thy powerful brother-in-law also uses
his influence, and thy lands and goods will be cared for by faithful hands.
Already a messenger is hastening from Hungary's King who will force the
Sig^oria to grant thee honourable treatment in still larger measure, and
another brings means to secure comforts which will render thy imprisonment
less cheerless. Be therefore of good courage, for thy watchword lies not !
When Christoph had received ApoUonia's letter, he desired to approach
the altar of the Lord. His request was granted, and the room in the
Torresella was converted into a chapel, in which the three prisoners
whose rebellious spirits were blackened by the evil deeds of their hands,
bowed their heads low before God and united in receiving the pledge of
salvation.
Apollonia's first letter was followed by two others of which the text has
not been preserved to us, and on the 20th of August the Count received
permission to reply to his wife.
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"To the high-born Madama ApoUonia, Countess of Frangipani and
our dearest Wife."
"Most beloved Spouse! — May my faithful and unchanging love be
with thee at all times, and know thou that I have, through Zanus, received
thy two letters and an hundred Rhenish gulden ; howbeit not without
distress, in that I heard of thy illness, and I received also another writing
of the 27th of July, and a third of the 4th of August, together with the
letter of my honoured Lord and Father, from which I have learned with
great joy of thine own health and of the dear Brothers' likewise. Know
thou that I will this day write my dear Lord and Father answer, and thou
shalt send it to him in any case. Know also, that I am in good health, for
the which I do thank Almighty God, and I am of good courage because of
the comfort which my dear Lord and Father hath sent me in his letter, for
he writeth me that within a short season an universal peace will be made
and declared and concord between all Christian Princes and Lords ; and
so I pray Almighty God, and may He grant it, that I at least may cherish
the hope of my release. That thou art again in good health delighteth me ;
learn thou how to care for thyself and do it with all diligence. Fulfil thou
all my instructions, especially that which thou hast learned of me, and from
my words. With regard to that which thou writest me : that Taunmasch
is ill and that because of this I may suffer damage, I advise thee so to do
as I have instructed thee.
" Thou writest me also that several have been disobedient towards thee ;
thou knowest my command hath ever been that all shall obey thee in
my absence. So do thou as is fitting and profitable for mine honour,
as I verily believe that thou wouldst never do otherwise.
" Most beloved Wife : in the past days thou hast written me and hast
sent me a pair of black short-hose and a pair of linen socks therewith ; but
the red short-hose have I not received ; of the same I now have need for
the winter, also of two pairs of bed-sheets and sundry kerchiefs for the
head. When thou hearest aught of the peace or of any other good, true
tidings so write thou me of them that I may cheer myself therewith.
Dismiss the servants, as thou knowest, and let him from Falkenstein
go, for good reasons, and write me of the dairy, in which he hath
worked.
" Most beloved Wife : greet thou my dear Daughter for me and forget
not to bring her up virtuously ; and write to me oft. Send Zanus in haste
to my most honourable Monsignor von Gurk, and do this in the best
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possible manner and bring me to his Lordship's remembrance, till God
shall send me good tidings.
" Most beloved wife : hold thou ever in mind my eternal and unchang-
ing faithfulness and love, and let me also not go without money, for our
Lord Father writeth that messengers are not safe in his province, and thou
knowest that each month I have need of forty gulden."
" Christoph Frangipani
with his own hand "
" Venice, on the 29th of August 15 14."
Two days previously the prisoner had received the following letter
from his father: —
"To the mightiest and most honourable Christoph of Frangepan,
Count of Segna, Veglia, and Modrusa, etc., our best beloved Son."
" High-born, heartily loved Son, we send thee as greeting our fatherly
blessing, love, and sympathy. Most beloved Son: we would make it
known to thee that we, and likewise our Sons, thy Brothers, and thy
Sister are in good health, and that it would cause us great joy to receive
the like tidings from thee. We would also make known to thee, that
we have hitherto received no writing from thee except that which thou
didst send to thy Wife, the high - born Madonna ApoUonia, from whom
we received a copy of the same ; furthermore we doubt not, that the
honourable Signoria hath not treated thee otherwise than as becometh
a royal knight and faithful servant of his lord, and in consideration of the
fact that our forefathers did and endured very great and notable services
for the aforesaid most honourable Signoria. It ofttimes cometh to pass
that Lords and Cavaliers will in this manner be taken prisoner, without
deserving to be treated because of this in a base and cruel fashion, and
we therefore hope that the most honourable Signoria have dealt with thee
in a suitable manner and that for this reason thou wilt have no cause to
fall into sadness and care. We hope also that the Imperial Majesty and
the King of Hungary, our good Lords, will not forsake thee, and we do
know it for certain that within a short season all the Princes and Kings
are determined to conclude a lasting peace with the Signoria and a
covenant against the Turks, by the which opportunity, as we hope, the
Imperial Majesty and our gracious Lord, the King of Hungary, will not
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forget thee, most dear and beloved Son. Concerning thy Wife and thy
Daughter, with all them that belong to thee, we make known to thee that
they are in good health. Thy Wife will surely in a short time come
hither under our lordship, in order to dwell by us, indeed truly where it
shall please her best and in whichsoever of our castles she herself shall
choose. Respecting the money of which thou hast written to thy Wife,
we send thee tidings that we have spoken with Merchants who have come
into the country and into our province because of their business, in order
to go to Venice, and have sent thee an hundred ducats by them, though
we know not if thou hast received the same or not ; nevertheless as we
failed to find here the three merchants of whom thou wrotest thy Wife
that they were journeying to Venice, we have written to the high-born
Madonna, thy Consort, that she shall make known to us to which place
and through whom we shall send thee money, and where also we shall
find the three merchants aforesaid, and so we will send thee gold by
exchange, in order that thou mayest lack for nothing. The merchants
who carry on their business while journeying to Venice through this land
and our own province, by whom also we have sent thee the aforesaid
hundred gfulden, could hitherto not venture, because of the war, to pass
through our country on their way to Venice ; and they have only sent
me tidings through our messenger, who goeth into Hungary, that they
would learn whether thou hast received the aforementioned hundred
gulden, and if the most honourable Signoria will grant thee leave to
receive so much.
"Write thou therefore unto us or to the high-born Madonna, thy
Consort, whether thou hast received the said money or not. Doubt not
that we, when we find ways and means thereto, will attend to each and
all things that thou needest, to get and to send them to thee. Herewith
we commend thee to God and to His beloved Mother Mary."
" Modrus on the 3rd day of August 1514."
Christoph answered his father on the 29th of August ; on the same
day he wrote also to Apollonia, and, as it will appear later, to his brothers.
"To the mighty and exalted Lord Count Bernhard Frangipani, my
most beloved Lord and my ever gracious Father."
" Mighty and exalted Lord : after that I have humbly presented my
respects to you, I make it known to your Highness that I have, to the
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great comfort of my heart, received the writing which you sent me from
Modrus on the 3rd day of August, in which you first wrote me of the
well-being of your Highness, of my Brothers and of my Sister, for the
which in accustomed humility, with a happy heart, I thank God the Lord
and His Mother, praying that of Their great mercy they may grant your
Highness strength for many years.
" Secondly. I thank you heartily for the gracious blessing and fatherly
greeting, which I have, in all humility, received as a great remedy not only
for my body but also for my soul, as if I had already reached the point
of death, as every man must do, according to the will and ordinance of
the Most High.
" Thirdly. I would humbly excuse myself with the remark, that I have
already written four times to your Highness, first on the evening when
according to the will of my Creator I was taken captive, then three times
from here with the consent of these illustrious Lordships, without counting
the letter which I sent from the Castle of Porpedo by Biagio Diancovich.
The reason why the said letters have not come to the hand of your
Highness I cannot understand, all the less so because I wrote them with
mine own hand and gave therein account of my circumstances and
comforted your Highness for the sake of your good health, for the which
I do rejoice, as sweetly as ever I can.
" Fourthly. In order to fulfil the command of your Highness, to speak
the Truth, and not to show myself ungrateful in the return of benefits,
your Highness shall learn the truth as it is: I am, thanks to the grace
of God the Lord, and His holy Mother the Maid Mary, in good health,
and am treated by this honourable Signoria in the most gracious manner,
and of this prison could no man complain : it is the same prison in which
the Lord of Mantua was at one time ; for the which I hold myself in duty
bound to this most honourable Signoria for every true service I can
render it, so also should it be the will of God the Lord that I regain
my freedom, in such wise to bestir myself with my Lord, the Imperial
Majesty, and the friends of the same, that this honourable Signoria shall
not be able to say that I am unthankful for. that which it hath done
to me. And so I humbly beseech your Highness and my Brothers, with
all possible readiness to place yourselves at the service of this honourable
Signoria, for that could greatly help me in this captivity, which I endure
with a good courage. I have endured and will endure all that becometh
a rightly-minded man for his own and his Master's honour, and will hold
steadily before mine eyes the fact that faithful zeal in service can never
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lead to harm, as I already perceive with this honourable Signoria, which,
well knowing that I have need of its favour, while at the same time 1
have not deserved it, out of love to your Lordship, and in remembrance
of the services of our forefathers, hath borne itself graciously towards
me. Of this I am assured, and so I shall experience no severe hardships.
My ever gracious Lord and Father, I do humbly beseech you, that you
will in no wise distress yourself because of my captivity, but will con-
tinually hold your Son in remembrance with fatherly love. I am further-
more assured that your Highness will for other reasons keep yourself aloof
from such untoward suffering, in holding only the end and not the
beginning ever before your eyes. Your Highness likewise knoweth that
I have been taken prisoner in open war for my Lord, who is no traitor,
and it would not beseem his Lordship to forsake his faithful servants, who
with a good will have risked both their lives and their fortunes through
devotion to himself.
"And besides this, your Highness knoweth that I am in the hands
of this Signoria, which is wise and good, and will know well how to
judge what is to be reckoned unto a man for faithfulness. According to
which one may not infer that only the beginning will receive its con-
sideration, but likewise also the end.
" This most honourable Signoria hath ruled for twelve hundred years,
and will do so for I know not how much longer, for * a metal foot can never
fall,' and I therefore beg and entreat your Highness not to distress your-
self through love towards me. I hope in Almighty God that He will
turn this captivity to mine honour and profit. I should hope that this
may be brought to the light, thanks to a great service arranged by me
between my Lord and this Signoria, that is, could I be sure of myself
that I were a true Christian. My gracious Lord and Father, if I had
not tasted the bitter, why how should I know what is sweet ? and had I
not experienced evil, how then should I know how to cherish the good ?
It is not possible to bear with honour either an evil or captivity, save
only as faithfulness demandeth it — thus to suffer is however a blessed
and, for the good, a praiseworthy thing. Through love to faithfulness
I am content to remain in this place so long as it pleaseth God the
Lord, in whom also I have set my hope, that He of His unending grace
will at the right time so move the hearts of my Lord and this honour-
able Signoria as shall lead to my release. And so I shall learn, as
every right-minded man must, to endure for mine honour, yea — be that
for ever.
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" I beg also to thank your Highness for desiring to refresh me with
the gracious blessing and promises contained in your letter, and that
you will not forsake me in my need hath also awakened hopes of the
Imperial Majesty, who aspireth to restore an early union between the
heads of Christendom and the Signoria against the power of the Turks.
May God the Lord grant his desire! May your Highness believe me
that your letters have brought me great healing and comfort, because
that I, since I have been here, received no writing from your Highness
or my Brothers — which was harder to be endured than my captivity : I
likewise knew not that my letters, the copies of which I have by me, were
never received by your Highness. The tidings that my Consort will
come to your Highness I have learned with great joy, as . . .
... by the parting, for I have found no desire towards evil in her
and I will not, that she agree thereto, till I shall have learned the cause
from your Highness, or till God the Lord shall grant me to regain my
freedom.
" My Count and Lord, I have several times written to your Highness,
without copying the same, which letters my Consort hath sent to your
Highness, and in like manner I have more often written to herself: but
from all my epistles your Highness will have learned of the love which
I at this distance feel for my Father, for in many countries it cometh
to pass, that, whoever it may be, after death hath taken the Spouse
from his Wife, another Second will be father to the Son, and this I have
now obtained from this honourable Signoria through a messenger whom
it sent to the Imperial Lord, with a petition to his Majesty, that the
same would graciously consider us and provide for our maintenance.
This, as I hope, his Majesty will do, for, although the dwelling and
room are good, it is also possible that I, should I have nothing to
eat therein, or wherewith to provide for my other needs, might be in
an evil plight In this, however, this honourable Signoria would do me
no wrong, nor be answerable for it, but rather the Imperial Lord and you,
Lord, and my friends, in that you extend me no help in my necessity. To
the present time I have made ends meet with the two hundred ducats which
my Consort while on the way from Villach sent me through a merchant
Zanus di Bartolomio — as he called himself. Had it not been for this it
would not have gone well with me, as here I am acquainted with no one.
Beyond these two hundred ducats I have received nothing from anyone
or in any way ; therefore in regard to these matters I hope that my Lord,
the Imperial Majesty, will graciously provide for my support. But while
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money matters always move slowly at Court, and the outlay which I have
monthly for the support of myself and my guardsmen amounteth to forty
Rhenish pieces, I pray your Highness not to forsake me where these
expenses are concerned. Your Highness hath the way from Segna
through the merchants, who pass by the place, or the way from Laibach
through a merchant Antonio, who ofttimes from here sendeth his agent
thither, or the way from Villach through a merchant Zanus di Bartolomio,
who will gladly undertake the responsibility for my friends. And later
I will repay all these my debts, when God the Lord shall restore to
me my freedom, and I will then, besides the loan of my good services,
return the money also. And your Highness may believe me that none /
of us three who are here together in this prison can make ends meet /
with less than about forty Rhenish pieces in the month. I will also pray
this most honourable Signoria, that it will permit another messenger,
who shall be sent hither from your Highness, to be admitted to me,
and I hope that the Signoria will grant this, in that it hath three times
allowed the messengers from my Consort to come unto me with letters.
When the messenger shall have returned from the Imperial Lord, which
will shortly come to pass, I trust that it will then let the messenger
from your Highness come unto me, since this hath moreover not
been forbidden me; but should it happen, that it was evilly minded
because of some new wrong, I am nevertheless confident that the
services of your Highness would be accepted. This honourable Signoria
wisheth, through love to beneficent truth, to know the same and to live
graciously and neighbourly with your Highness. It would please me
much did I know how matters stand, for I am beholden to try all means,
so far as in me lieth, even should my word only be received as that of a
prisoner ; but I am not accustomed to speak of these matters with everyone.
"May God the Almighty Lord preserve your Highness for many
years in health and happiness through His holy mercy. In what relateth
to myself, there can be no doubt that in every respect I should be well
recommended to your Highness, were you but in the service of this
Signoria, and that I should be therewith entirely helped; I commend
myself humbly to your Grace, in complete penitence, as becometh me
towards a gracious Lord and Father."
"Given in the Torresella on the 29th day of August 15 14."
" Your Highness's
obedient Son and Servant"
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A third letter was at the same time addressed by Count Christoph
to his brother.
" To the mighty and exalted Lord John Frangipani, my ever worthy,
respected, and beloved Brother."
" Mighty and exalted Lord and most beloved Brother.
" Before all things I send you the very heartiest greetings. I would then
make known to your Highness that yesterday evening with great joy I
received a letter through Messer Juan Antonio Dandolo, who is appointed
as our Governor by this most honourable Signoria, in which his Highness
the Count, our Lord and Father writeth me, before all else, of his own good
health and ofthat of yourself and our Sister, for the which, with a happy heart,
I do thank God the Lord and His holy Mother, the Maid Mary, praying
humbly that they may preserve your Highness in prosperity for many
years. I am, where I have been through the grace of Almighty God in
good health until now, here in Venice in a prison, known as the Torresella,
being the prisoner of the most honourable Signoria, as I have more than
once written to your Highness, with mention and praise of this honourable
Signoria, which hath placed me in such a prison as this, and not in another
prison or narrow dungeon. And by reason of that which his Highness
the Count, our Father and Lord writeth me in his aforesaid letter, namely
that no letter from me, since I have been a prisoner, hath reached him,
although I have certainly written four times to his Highness with the
permission of this honourable Signoria and even so also to you, I fear
that my letters to your Highness have likewise not been received. And
for this reason I would again inform your Highness that I cannot complain
of my room and lodging in this prison, but must the rather praise them,
and will show myself as thankful for the same through such services towards
all, as are fitting and in my power, when it is the will of God that I return
to freedom. And I would beseech you, my Lords, relatives and friends,
to place yourselves at the service of this most honourable Signoria, for
I know of nothing else. It is certainly true, as our Lord and Father
writeth me, that the messengers or couriers had no liberty to come hither
to the most gracious Signoria — but I have learned nothing more thereof
since Janes was * in acie ' taken prisoner. Only this, that the kingdom of
Hungary is entirely pacified ; and because I have learned nothing further,
my heart feeleth not a little oppressed, when I think thereon, that I have
received neither letter nor message from my Lord Father nor from my
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Brothers, since I was taken prisoner — and have heard but once only from
the Lord Duke of Ferrara, our Grandfather, whose Lordship commended
me to the honourable Signoria through his ambassador, who with per-
mission came up hither to see me, where I am shut up. And from my
Spouse, who three times sent my servants to me with money — Rhenish
ducats, as with less I cannot make both ends meet for my food and the
payment of my guardsmen, and for this cause I have not written without
reason, * I am become as it were a stranger unto my brethren,' for if none
of you shall send me money — and I should be in the finest room, without
the wherewithal to eat, it would certainly fare ill with me 1 And for this
cause, Count my Brother, I do beseech your Highness to remind our Lord
Father that his Highness shall urge my release with the Emperor and
Lord, and that his Grace may not leave me to perish through lack of
means, till God the Lord of His mercy shall lead me to the best end, for
his Highness writeth me that within a short season a union between all
Christian rulers against the power of the Turks will be made, which may
Almighty God in His holy compassion grant to be true !
"Count and beloved Brother: my Spouse writeth me that your
Highness graciously helped her upon the journey, for the which I do send
your Highness, my beloved Brother, my very hearty thanks ; at all times
will I wish you good and will prove my loving brotherliness at whatever
time I shall by the will of God and to mine honour leave this prison. May
it please your Highness to greet our Sister for me, and likewise to say to
her that she shall pray unto God, that it may please Him of His holy
mercy shortly to lead us together and to unite us in health. May the
Almighty God ever keep us in His grace 1 "
"Written in the Torresella on the 29th day of August 15 14."
" Beloved Brother,
Your Highness's Brother."
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Chapter VII.
Disappointed Hopes.
**0 tarrying Time's
Ever-lengthening distance I "
Tristan and Isolde.
,HREE months had passed by since Count Christoph had
commended himself and his affairs to the Emperor and his
family at home, full of hope and trust in an early release.
The call appears to have died away unheard. The plan for a
N^ )^J conclusion of peace and confederation of princes against the
Turks came to naught. The question as to the possession of Verona
and Vicenza remained unanswered, all negotiations were without
result, and the prisoner must perforce believe that his Imperial Master
had completely forgotten him. On the i8th of November tidings were
brought to him in his confinement, that a messenger from his brother-
in-law, Matthew Lang, had arrived. But in proportion to the joy and
expectation which these raised was the disappointment destined to be
bitter. " The aforesaid messenger, who is come from Germany without a
safe-conduct, in order to speak with the Count Frangipani, was called
before the College of the Signoria, and severely chidden for the same ; and
were it not for the love which we bear towards his Master, the Cardinal of
Gurk, he would have been obliged to pay the penalty of his transgression.
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And he was forthwith — without having been permitted to speak with any
man — sent upon his way."
These were certainly not the means by which help could be brought to
the Count ; attempts to approach him in secret could only be undertaken
by one who had no idea of the severity and omniscience of the Venetian
Authority. The Emperor alone possessed the power, through open nego-
tiations on Christoph's behalf, to obtain the liberation of his faithful
servant — and he failed to exercise it
When, during December, the release of German prisoners, in exchange
for captive Venetians, was planned by Bartolommeo d'Alviano, — an
endeavour which, to Alviano's great indignation, was not successful in
May of the following year, — Frangipani and Rizzan, who were r^arded
as priceless hostages, were from the first excluded. Christoph's hopes
seemed to lose themselves in an ever-lengthening distance. His Emperor,
his mighty brother-in-law had forsaken him, his father was not strong
enough to help him. Where then were all the friends from whose
activity he awaited an interference on his behalf? The noble Juan
Antonio Dandolo, the superintendent of the prison, was kinder towards
him, and had at least words of friendly comfort for him, and failed not
in unceasing care for his well-being. He was forgotten by all — by all
men, — but not by a woman ! In the last days of February 15 15, Dandolo
came to the afflicted man and told him of an epistle in the Latin language,
which he had received from the Countess Apollonia, and possibly shared
with him the text of this letter, which ran as follows : —
"To the illustrious and noble-minded Lord Juan Antonio Dandolo,
Patrician of Venice, Proveditore of the Torresella, my Lord and
most worthy Friend in Venice."
" Illustrious and magnanimous Lord Proveditore — worthiest Friend,
permit me to commend myself to you. We have received no little comfort
from the letter of your Lordship of the 4th of January, in which you
first make known to us the love which our highly honoured Lord and
Consort cherisheth towards us, then the grace and goodness of the exalted
Senate, and lastly your pains and just intentions on our Consort's behalf.
The same vouchsafeth us the lively hope that this most noble Lord, our
beloved Consort, will be treated with kindness and humanity : the other,
albeit that it is not yet beyond doubt, hath refreshed our bruised spirit
not a little, which was very weary from sorrow and from the longing after
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our most beloved Consort So we further acknowledge and bear towards
your Lordship undying gratitude in that you deigned to write to us and
comfort us, and also that in this most trying time you have neglected
no service towards the aforesaid noble Lord, our best beloved Consort
Liefer would I show you this gratitude in deeds, did the iniquity of
this troublous time permit One thing however remaineth to us, which
frequently causeth care and unrest to our spirit : the longing and striving
to visit and see the noble Lord, our most beloved Consort. For the which
cause we have of late not ceased to trouble and entreat the exalted
College of the Chiefs and Council of Ten in your City, that they would
grant us leave to come and go with our servants and our goods. Still,
although the honourable College hath hitherto delayed this, we cherish the
hope without doubt, of seeing our petition granted by them ; for there doth
in no wise escape us that to which your Lordship hath testified in your
letter ; namely, what true Venetian liberality your most honourable Senate
possesseth, so that we trust it will rather act in this spirit than with severity
towards me, a widowed woman. O grant me, I entreat your Lordship,
fatherly help in your especial kindness expressed towards us, that I may
obtain this, that it may be vouchsafed me at last to rejoice in the presence
of my husband, so long desired, and therewith to refresh my care-filled
and bruised spirit But should it perhaps appear to the Chiefs and
Councillors of the Council of Ten too hazardous and full of risk to grant
our petition on the foregoing conditions, because they regard our free
coming and going as suspicious, and fear that we may therewith be intent
upon something evil, may it please them in order that I may no longer be
separated from my most beloved Consort, to grant and permit that I alone
with such few handmaids as are truly needful for my service, may come
to Venice to the honoured Lord, my beloved Consort, to dwell with him
in the same prison and to be kept with him under the same guard in
custody. But should it come to pass that our honoured Consort should
send us forth again, may it be granted me to return with the aforesaid
handmaids and our goods, freely and safely to our home. It is our
steadfast hope that they will not refuse us this, because they cannot look
for any hostile deceit or craft from a woman, who with a free will giveth
herself into captivity : for we are tormented by such longing towards our
most beloved Consort, that we fear neither imprisonment nor to endure
the very uttermost with him, if only we may be with him. So may this
our honourable petition find a gracious hearing with your Lordship and
stir within you special humane compassion for us, and likewise in the
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exalted Council of Ten, Leaders and Councillors, that they may grant
this our latest request Through the which your Lordship will not alone
win our unending gratitude, but an eternal reward from the Almighty,
Highest God Himself, Who hath ordained wedlock and the dwelling
together of Spouses and hath commanded that what God hath joined
together, man shall not put asunder.
'^ May your Lordship long enjoy health and happiness and permit the
honoured Lord, our beloved Husband, and me a sorrowful woman to
present our respects to you in the best manner."
" Your most obedient
"ApoUonia de Frangipanibus,
Consort of the most noble Count Christoph,
Countess of Segna, Veglia, and Modrusa."
It will scarcely be thought possible that a request couched in such
touching words as these should remain unfulfilled, but the Council of Ten
formed its decrees not according to the dictates of sentiment, but with
cold, calculating reason. All the ardent zeal with which Juan Antonio
Dandolo strove to support the request proved fruitless : he was informed
in reply that the Countess's design to share the captivity of her husband
was against all the laws and the usages of Venice, and that it must be
forthwith abandoned.
The official answer which the messenger of the Countess received on
the 2 ist of March shows with what diplomatic subtlety it was understood
how to say ** No " in Venice —
" We have seen your person with much pleasure, and have heard that
which you in the name of your Mistress have distinctly declared unto us.
And as after we had received and privily examined that which she bid
you lay before us, and the ground on which it seemed to her good, we
decided to give you no credentials, you can return and make known to her
our reply, which is as foUoweth : —
" You shall assure her Highness of our sincere thankfulness that she
hath offered her services for the securing of a good peace between the
Imperial Majesty and our State. And we wish that she knew — of this
you shall likewise assure her — that we have ever earnestly desired to be
reconciled with his Majesty, in that we are by nature inclined to prove
this to him, and will wait with the same intent ; and that, as soon as the
Imperial Majesty shall conclude the intended peace, and shall be minded
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to regard us as his children, she will find us ready in such a way as cannot
be the case at present. In the meanwhile may it please your Mistress to
exercise herself, in such fashion as shall seem to her best, to move the
Emperor to a work that is so worthy of him, and we upon our part will
not fail to do all that shall be productive of good. And you shall further
make known to her, that if she bestirreth herself in this transaction and
leadeth it to a good end, she may not only rest assured of the release of
her honoured Consort, but we do wish her to know it for certain that our
State will show its gratitude to herself and her family. With regard to
the free escort, you can say to her, that conformably to your words on the
above-mentioned grounds it is more suitable that she remain where she is,
which is likewise agreeable to us. Recommend that to her.
"Besides this we have at present nothing further to communicate,
though we say also in truth, that you shall receive good and ample reward
for your services."
The frustration of this plan appears to have led the Count, who upon
hts part was bereft of all prospects of release, to make a daring effort. He
decided upon an attempt at flight A short note communicated by Sanuto
dated the 31st of March 15 15, reads as follows: —
" On the decision of the most honourable Council of Ten it was openly
proclaimed in the Rialto : that complaint having been made against Marco
Remer, dwelling near S. Zaccaria, with one Antonio Gardelin, who was
guardsman in the Torresella, that they let themselves in to a certain
prisoner in the Torresella, namely to the Count Christoph Frangipani, in
order to secretly bring him letters and to help him to flight, they are
commanded to appear within eight days and to defend themselves,
otherwise action will be taken against them."
The undertaking was nipped in the bud. A few weeks later, Frangi-
pani's most formidable opponent, the Venetian General Bartolommeo d'
Alviano, made renewed efforts to obtain the release of the Germans. The
cutting reply of the Signoria so embittered him, that " he panted with rage
and declared himself dishonoured," and could only with great difficulty be
calmed. He promised to do his duty and to reconquer the lost possessions
of the State, but after that he would leave the service of the Republic.
On the 9th of May the prisoners learned from his own mouth what
trouble he had taken on their behalf. He exhorted them to be patient
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with good courage, for a season, because he himself was about to return to
the war.
The favourable impression produced by his visit, and the thoughts
which he aroused in Frangipani, are expressed in a remarkable communi-
cation, which the latter in a trustful tone addressed to the friendly-minded
Dandolo.
'' Honoured Sir — I the undersigned send you a dream which I dreamed \y
in one of the past nights, in order to make your Lordship laugh over it,
in that it is so highly coloured and ingenious ; the which dream, as I
believe, was brought about by the departure of his Excellency the Lord
Bartolommeo, who went forth without having been able to do anything
further, whereas I hoped that his Lordship in the present case would
succeed in attaining something good; and when I perceived that his
departure remained without further results, I continued to be cast down
and lost in many thoughts, by the which I was followed when half in
despair I laid myself down to sleep on one of the foregoing nights. And
in sleep it appeared to me as if I were in a strange neighbourhood, through
which I wandered for a long time, as I thought, before coming to a place
in which I saw a soul and also a body ; when I saw that, I stood still
and gazed at the soul in great uncertainty. When the soul perceived me
it inquired who I was; I answered, 'I am Christoph Frangipani/ It
then asked me what I wished, whereupon I replied, 'To serve thee.'
The sanctified spirit furthermore asked me why I had come to the present
place. I answered, ' For that in truth the necessities of life are responsible,
and the danger which is to be feared both now and in future.' At this
moment the body began to inquire if I recognised it; I replied that I
knew it very well, and named it the countersign: 'Art thou not that
highly honoured body which wished to possess neither me nor my people
in former times ? Art thou not that highly honoured body which causest
me more suffering than any other ? I who led by changing fortune came
to this place, which will not forgive me for it ! ' The body then answered
me, ' All things are for the best' I therefore humbly besought it to give
me the reason, because when I had received it I should suffer less pain
and would all the more gladly hold myself in duty bound to affectionate
services in future. To this it vouchsafed no reply, perhaps out of anger
because of the debts of past times, or because of the present evil from
which the said body suffered.
" When I saw it so wrathful, it appeared good to me to remain silent, not
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because I was so stifT-necked but because I was as one in despair. And
as I stood there I saw many disputing over the illness which the afore-
mentioned body suffered. At the close of their disputation I gathered
that they laid the blame upon the great evil of the physics which they were
wont to use in former times. These remedies, they said among them-
selves, were brought from neighbouring countries at sunset and were
called Alexandrine and Julian ; they said also that physics from the
other side of the mountains were likewise made use of. But in their
disputation they all blamed these physics, holding them to be guilty of
causing great evil and sickness, and concluded that the same were not
good, but that they had been poisoned, perhaps also they had lost their
effect through the long transport from the other side of the mountains to
this place. In particular those were especially apt to work evil which
came through the King, because the same was deformed and unhealthy, as
were likewise all his successors ; and the aforesaid people asserted in their
disputation that they were followers of the Count under the Signs of the
Dragon and the Bull, and that because of these signs they could not be
healthy, and for this reason the physics which came from that land were as
little to be praised.
"All the above-mentioned names appeared to me to suffice for the
healing of the most honourable body, because I thought to myself, that the
body is made of four elements, namely air, fire, earth, and water, and the
circumstance that the elements of earth and water were exalted over the
two other elements seemed to me the cause of the evil. The physics in
question were used without being purified, and in consequence of this they
increased the illness and could not cast it out, because they did not answer
to, and were not fitted to cure, an evil of this nature. Rather did the
medicines, after they were taken, leave a residue behind which ever
increased the distemper and the mischief, in particular when a wind ruled
from p. isu d. s. p.
"Through the bringing in of certain Levantine medicines to the
aforesaid sufferer, it appeared to me that all had been tried which was
contrary to the health of the so-called Lord Body. But I thought that
the same should try another remedy, such as, for example, some pleasant,
efficacious syrup which would dissolve and carry away the poisonous
medicines already taken ; then afterwards to take some consecrated
remedy which would cast out all evils with few and light pains, and thanks
to which the soul with the body would then also thrive in unending health,
in happy life and in increased strength, without having to fear a great evil.
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Bartolommeo d'Alviano.
After a Woodcut in Paolo Giovio's Eiogia lUustrium Vtrürum.
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while nothing for all time could injure either the sanctified spirit or the
most honourable body. I was very eager to speak of this my meaning,
although it appeared to me idle to mention it, as it would not be accepted.
There were also many physicians present, who for the greater part gave
their counsel with more wrath than reason ; for the which cause I remained
silent. The soul, however, said to the body, * My body, take care of thy
health so long as time is and I desire it ; for shouldst thou take no thought
for me, in that case I should be compelled to depart from thee ; when,
however, I do depart, thou knowest well that without me thou canst no
longer remain among the living.'
" These words struck me as being so great and important that they
caused me to awake from my sleep."
The meaning of this allegory is readily to be understood. The soul is
that of Venice : the life power of the State is afflicted, through the illnesses
which have fallen upon the country : the wars which oppress the well-being
of the Republic.
Under the guise of poisonous medicines are to be understood the fatal
treaties with the Popes Alexander VI. and Julius II., with Charles VIII. of
France and his successors, and lastly with the Turks. But the interpreter
of dreams recommends as the one truly helpful remedy a treaty with
the Emperor and the Pope. Evidently Frangipani was well informed as
to current political events. While Maximilian made the surrender of
Vicenza and Verona the condition of peace, to which Venice would in
no way accede, the Signoria had on the 9th of April in this year con-
cluded a treaty with the newly elected King Francis I. of France, who then
led the English into the alliance. On the other side, however, the relations
between the Pope, the Emperor, and Spain had become more important.
One will not err in inferring that under the " amabile syrupo " Frangipani
intended to express the yielding intent towards the Emperor, which should
lead to granting him the long disputed possession of the cities of Verona
and Vicenza, which had been such disastrous property for Venice. After
this — as "benedetta medicina" — a treaty should be concluded with the
Pope. Only on the ground of reconciliation with Rome and with Germany
could new, healthful conditions be established for Venice. The physician,
who proffered his counsel to the Signoria, had learned to perceive — in
care-filled nights — that the only means which could help himself was a
change in political circumstances. How right he was in this is seen in a
letter from his brother-in-law, which he received in September, from which
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he might infer that the blame for his long imprisonment rested — not with
the Emperor and the Cardinal of Gurk, who had tried all the means in
their power to procure his release — but with the political constellations.
So long as the war continued, Venice must regard its captive as the most
highly important hostage.
Matthew Lang wrote on the 26th of July, in the Latin language, as
follows : —
" To the most honourable Lord Christoph de Frangipanibus, Count of
Veglia, Segna, and Modrusa, our most beloved Kinsman."
" Honourable and noble Lord, beloved Brother-in-law, before all things
greeting ! How sorely the long continuance of your captivity troubleth
me, and how deeply I sympathise with your great sufferings, I would
not lightly essay to express, for not only my own true feeling and my
glowing love for your Lordship lead me thereto, but also the Imperial
Persons, who love you very heartily, feel constrained to offer you their
sympathy. Nevertheless the following circumstance among others com-
forteth me greatly, that the Venetian Government must insure and secure
to you the greater relief and compensation for your suffering, for you are
come into their power more through the injustice of Fate than through
the heroism of the enemy, while battling like a valiant warrior, as best
you could, for the most just princes, for the defence of the Fatherland,
and for the welfare of the general public ; and you are he for whom the
whole Fatherland mourneth, to whom the All-gracious God — let there be
no doubt as to that ! — will mercifully reveal Himself, and for whose release
both princes and people work together in anxiety. I also, among others, '
have hitherto failed in neither zeal nor trouble in councils for your release,
and will likewise in future spare neither thought nor effort, even so far as
the powers of the spirit and the means shall permit, and, as it were for
the redemption of my soul for which I worked, will so exert myself that
that may be granted you which we ardently desire. Call therefore to
mind your old heroism and large-heartedness, which have oft held you
unconquered in sore trials, cast aside every fear, hope also in destiny,
endure steadfastly for your Fatherland and friends, and before all else
trust in the Most Merciful God, — ^but likewise in the activity of the
friends whom you have not yet lost With God's permission and their aid,
I undoubtedly hope to deliver you from this misfortune. May you fare
well and rest assured that I am and will ever remain not alone your zealous
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and beloved brother-in-law, but your steadfast friend in every chance of
fate/'
"Given in Vienna on the 26th day of July 1515."
In the same hand is added the following i-^
" My Lord Count, be of good courage, set your hope in God, in your
good friends, and in upright dealings. For I will to the utmost extent of
all my powers, and without ceasing, work for your release, and am at your
service not only as a good friend, but as the best kinsman, as you will
already have learned in detail from the letters of my sister, your Consort"
" Date as above."
" Your good Brother-in-law
Matthew
Cardinal of Gurk."
When Matthew Lang wrote this comforting letter, he was in Vienna on
a highly important mission from the Emperor. It was necessary to bring
to a successful issue the negotiations which had for some time been pend-
ing between the latter and King Wladislaw, which had for their goal
the establishment of the Hapsburg succession in Hungary, through the
marriage of the King of Hungary's little son Lewis with Maximilian's
grand-daughter Maria, the daughter of Philip of Castile. Although the
diplomatic art of the Cardinal proved so successful in this, it availed little
in his efforts for his brother-in-law with the Emperor. The all too patent
double-sided policy which the Frangipani family had exercised since
former times, at this moment bore evil fruit. It was made known to
Maximilian that Bemhardin and Christoph were secretly endeavouring to
return to the side of Venice — ^and that this was not merely the calumny of
their enemy, is proved by the letter which Christoph in the year 15 14
wrote to his father. The Frangipanis themselves had frustrated a gracious
reception of Matthew Lang's petition by the Emperor. Not only was the
Venetian Government in nowise pressed for the release of the prisoner, but
was rather influenced in secret through the powerful Cardinal-Archbishop
Bakacs — wh^ wished to revenge himself for the wrong done to his brother-
in-law by one of the Frangipani — upon 00 account to let the mighty man
go out of tl^ir power.
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How sorely his prospects were darkened, perhaps Count Christoph
himself did not know. But he certainly learned shortly to perceive that
the Senators assembled below, in the Sala del Consiglio of the Palazzo
Ducale, were justified in paying no attention to his dreams. The most
energetic ally of Venice, King Francis I. of France, had in rapid marches
crossed over the passes in the Alps, and perhaps at the very time
when the Frangipani gathered fresh comfort from his brother-in-law's
lines, the joyful tidings came to Venice of the brilliant victory of the King
near Marignano, and a few days later the news of his entry into Milan.
The Venetian Army passed conquering through Lombardy, and already the
re-winning of Brescia was confidently spoken of. With German affairs
it stood ill — as was shown by the friendly meeting of the Pope with the
King of France in Bologna, the consequence of which was that the only
man who fought with energy for Maximilian in North Italy, Cardona,
withdrew with his Spaniards to Naples.
Could it be a comfort to Christoph that over the joy of the city a
shadow fell in the sudden death of the man who was responsible for all
his misfortunes? High up in the Torresella sat Frangipani and Rizzan,
and listened to the clanging of the bells which called Venice to the funeral
obsequies of its Commander in Chief, Bartolommeo d'Alviano. There by
the richly decorated catafalque, in the midst of a brilliant assembly,
Andrea Navagero gave the funeral oration, in which he Carried the
astonished hearers away with him in a flight of bombastic Latin rhetoric,
adjuring the manes of Julius Caesar, Quintus Metellus, Appius Claudius,
and Augustus to render homage to their distinguished rival. In the
long row of achievements upon which he expatiated, Alviano's victories
in Friuli, above all by Osopo, passed in brilliant procession before the
mental eye of the mourners — experiences which could have been far more
vividly described by the two captives than by the bragging Humanist.
Pordenone — Alviano had broken Rizzan's hesitating defence. Osopo
— before Alviano the wounded Frangipani had retreated. Gradisca —
Alviano had thrown the net in which Christoph had been caught. But it
was also this same Alviano who was later with them in prison as a friend
who had sought to effect their release. The old enmity was forgotten,
but this death brought no comfort, no satisfaction, rather the saddest
meditations and inferences.
The bells rang out again to conclude the solemn function, and the masses
streamed home through all the alleys to their daily occupations. In the
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Loggia of the Doge's Palace they could also be seen hurrying by. Some
remained standing and pointed out the Torresella to one another : did any :
of these busy people again remember on this day that Alviano's former
opponent was still held captive within it? A furtive glance, a passing thought I
they might give — nothing beyond that : they had something better to do ! j
Was Alviano to be envied ? j
The lonely man breathed deeply : better half a life than none ! The j
moment of redemption would surely, surely come ! ;
And the prisoners waited from day to day, from week to week ; the old '
year went to rest, the new year 1516 began; month after month passed ;
by, and the release — of which the Bishop of Modrusa, who visited his J
brother Christoph on the 14th of May, had himself nothing comforting to !
say— did not take place. 1
For the last decisive battle the Emperor Maximilian was himself come ]
to Italy and had planned making his way from Trient towards Milan, but \
the pressing power of the Swiss and of Andrea Griti caused him to despair I
of an undertaking which he had begun with inadequate means* He
returned to Germany and disbanded his army. The consequence was ;
that Brescia fell again into the hands of Venice, and the French military ^
forces under Lautrec together with the Venetians besieged Verona. Once
again it was possible for Germany to rescue this city, which was the
veritable apple of discord between Maximilian and the Republic, but the
treaty which was concluded on the 13th of August between Francis I. and
the Emperor, which also included the Venetians, restored Verona and
Vicenza to the lordship of Venice. The eight years' war, which had
nearly brought the power of the Signoria to a close, was ended. In
addition to Roveredo and Riva, Venice confirmed the Emperor's posses-
sion of several places in Friuli, from which he had wished to withdraw,
and it could now, having come victorious out of the most frightful combats ^
with all the Powers of Europe, be extolled as invincible — but these intense
efforts had exhausted its strength to such a degree, that it was never to
return to the full possession of it again, but was thenceforward with ever- ]
increasing weakness to languish towards its end.
The suspension of hostilities was accomplished, but no Imperial
messenger approached the Signoria, to request the release of Frangipani !
Once on the 13th of September there was transient talk in the CoUegio ^
that Christoph should be exchanged for a captive Venetian, the Doctor
Antonio Surian, but the idea was immediately abandoned. The
Emperor had let the one available opportunity of the conclusion of peace V
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pass by unheeded — no doubt he desired the imprisonment of Frangipam*.
The last hope had fled.
The peasants of Mozana, who were once so inhumanly mutilated by
order of the Count, were avenged. Like angry spirits they appeared in
Venice in those very days when the treaty between the Powers was con-
cluded, and wandered begging from house to house, by their pitiful aspect
and complaining story rekindling to a hot glow the smouldering animosity
of the people against the hereditary Croatian enemy. Did they also come
to the Palazzo Ducale in order to seek with blinded eyes the hated figure
far above at the window of the Torresella? In that case there was
certainly a moment in which Christoph Frangipani found the lot of
Alviano to be envied.
Once again I pause in the midst of my work, in the mental piecing
together of the isolated incidents which I have found— one here, another there
— in the course of the last few days. When I first threw open that Chronicle
of Pordenone and read within it the name, " Christoph Frangipani," how little
did I suspect that I should so live with the progress and change of a human
life, laden with heavy adversities, as if I beheld it with mine own eyes 1
A ring which accidentally came to my hands holds me bound in a
magic circle. But the figures which it has conjured up have caused me to
forget the ring itself — ^for a moment I break through the bond, to return
to the reality of the present. The golden hoop gleams on my finger ; I
gaze upon its delicately ornamented encircling ribands. It was a kind fate
which made use of it to lead me on the track of a remarkable historical
event, and now phantasy would draw the ring itself into the same, to
assign it a rdle in these touching incidents, for the sole reason that
through its mediation both mind and spirit would be brought into activity !
For the sole reason ? And the feverish inspiration which spurs me onward
in breathless haste to seek and to search, as if an unknown goal had been
appointed me, which I shall recognise only when I attain it, as if a duty
called me the fulfilment of which can alone restore to me inward peace —
is this inspiration also merely a work of my phantasy ?
" Mit Wyllen dyn eygen " — ^in perpetual sameness the Gothic lettering
moves around the ring.
Four words, no more, no less — ^and yet as often as I read them all the
marks become confused, and passing into new shapes they join them-
selves together forming a single word, for ever the same —
"ApoUonia!"
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Chapter VIII.
Willingly Thine Own.
j^
<So let me teach thee
The bliss of purest foithfiilness I "
Lohengrin.
) ARK spectres were become masters of the imprisoned Count —
the avenging spectres of his own deeds. In the night hope-
less broodings cursed him, and in despair he believed that his
fate was sealed. This was not, however, decreed. From
the East there drew near through the atoning influence of
love an Angel of Light, before whose pure beams the demons
vanished.
On the 13th of January of the new year, 15 17, Apollonia, Countess
Frangipani, entered Venice. Without the assurance of a safe-escort, in
spite of the denial of her repeated requests, she had ventured, trusting in
God and her love, to seek out her husband in his imprisonment. On
receiving tidings of her approach, the Signoria decided to grant her honour-
able sojourn in the Palace of her intercessor, Juan Antonio Dandolo.
Dandolo himself, the two Germans who had lately been released on
security : Captain Rainer and Nicolö de la Torre, with German merchants
from the Fondaco dei Tedeschi, went out in twelve barges to meet and
to receive her. A retinue consisting of four women, a house-steward, a
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physician, and twenty-two servants surrounded her. She found her
dwelling in the immediate neighbourhood of her longed-for consort, as the
Palazzo Dandolo (the present Hotel Danieli) is only separated from the
Palazzo Ducale by a canal. On the following day, about the ninth hour,
she was permitted to see her husband, with whom she remained till the
evening. On the same day also she sent a petition to the Bishop of Laibach
with a request for the sum of fifty thousand ducats, which should serve as
security for Christoph's release.
But on the 20th of January she came to present herself before the
Doge in the CoUegio. Rainer, Nicol6 de la Torre, about sixteen of the
leading German merchants, and several Venetians (among whom was her
kinsman, Juan Cosaza, Andrea Foscolo — ^son of Hieronimo, Bernardo da
Lezze, a relative of Count Frangipani, and Dandolo) appointed themselves
her escort.
"She entered the Collegio followed by three maids-in-waiting, in
German costume, with hoods and gowns of black cloth, d la tedesca,
walking one behind another, and after them came an old woman. Besides
these she had also a physician and a house-steward with her. She was clad
in new silk, and wore over it a garment of black satin lined with marten's
fur, and a heavy chain of gold about her neck, and on her head a coif of
gold according to the German habit. She is a worthy woman commanding
respect, very pleasing, small and thin."
In the speech which she addressed to the Doge Leonardo Loredano,
she excused herself for not having appeared earlier, but added that the
extreme cold had delayed her journey thither.
After expressing gratitude for the good treatment accorded to her
husband, she craved liberty to visit him twice in the week ; because of an
indisposition she must consult some physicians, and wished that this should
take place in the presence of her husband, in the Torresel la. As permission
for this also was granted her, she remarked that she had already written home
with regard to the sending of a sum of security money, but since this might
require too long a time, she herself had the intention of raising the money
•in Venice. The Doge then assured her of his hope of a speedy favourable
solution of affairs, so soon as the peace should once definitely be concluded.
Upon this she took her leave and returned to her dwelling.
In the afternoon she visited her husband for the second time, with
whom she found, instead of Rizzan, who had been placed in stricter
confinement, the Count of Bestenberg — the same who had fallen into the
hands of the Venetians at the conquest of Pordenone.
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On the following day, the 2 ist of January, Dandolo appeared in
agitation before the Doge and the College, to report an unheard-of
event ; " he related that the Countess, Spouse of Count Christoph, had
remained through the night in the Torresella, albeit he had tried his
utmost to prevent it; but the Count had insisted that she should
remain : at the same time he who had first come with him (Rizzan) had
already taken leave, and the Count of Bestenberg, who had dwelt with
him, had been brought back to the prison where he formerly was.
And so man and wife had remained together during the night, after they
had not seen one another for two and a half years. And this morning
he, Juan Antonio, went to the Torresella, and found the Countess stilt
abed, and the Count said, that after midnight her wonted suffering had
befallen her, and he besought the Signoria to be satisfied therewith, that
she should remain there, and that the physicians should come to her.
Upon this there arose a great uproar in the Collegio. Some were wholly
content that the Countess should remain where she was, others of the
Savii would have it that she should be brought forth, as it was only a
pretext to help the Count to flight, and they advised that a strong guard
should be appointed. Upon this the Proveditore went back to the
Torresella in order to persuade her to return to her dwelling, but Count
Christoph would in no wise permit it, and used very strong words, saying
that he was determined to keep his wife with him."
"Mit Willen dein eigen "—" Willingly thine own"— what she had
expressed in writing to Dandolo, Apollonia had verily fulfilled. Against
such love the Signoria of Venice was without counsel and powerless,
although this was unknown in the annals of Venetian prison affairs :
a woman had set the free right of her heart against the hard letter
of legal tradition, and she had triumphed over it. The Senators in
wild tumult might — con gran mormori — cry out among themselves that
it was forbidden, impossible, unthinkable!— it was all in vain; up in the
Torresella with her captive husband the wife remained in voluntary con-
finement. " For we are tormented by such a longing towards our beloved
Consort, that we fear neither imprisonment nor even to endure the utter-
most with him, if only we can be with him." She had attained her
desire, but in suffering ; in the moment when her strong soul had wrested
for her the joy of being again with her beloved, the poor frail body broke
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down — ^very ill of an old malady. What mattered that to her? — she
was with him, and his own I
The blessing of such a love did not fail. From the day of ApoUonia's
arrival there appear to have poured in from all sides promises of a speedy
release of Count Christoph. Already on the 22nd of January came a
messenger from Bernhardin Frangipani, who offered to pledge the castles
of the latter if his son should be released from confinement. The answer
which he received was truly not very promising. The Doge replied, " Count
Christoph had certainly been well treated by the Signoria, but had already
proved that he bore little love towards the same, in that he had not obeyed
it His Consort had been granted leave to visit him, and now had
refused to quit the prison» and the Count had used violent words. Where-
fore because of this his disobedience he did not deserve a hearing." The
Doge was embittered — for Juan Antonio Dandolo, the trustworthy super-
intendent of the prison, had just appeared before him with the declaration
that he would renounce his office because Count Christoph would not
submit, but persisted in doing as he pleased. It was with great diffi-
culty that this man, who was torn by an inward conflict between duty
and inclination, could be calmed and persuaded to remain at his post
The question of Christoph's release was a second time forced upon the
Signoria by petitions for the liberation of Giulio Manfron — son of the
Venetian Condottiere Juan Paolo Manfron — which came from divers
quarters, and were supported by the Emperor himself. This Giulio Manfron
had a long time before fallen into the power of Count Bernhardin
Frangipani, by whom he had at first been ill-used , till under strong pressure
from the Sigfnoria Christoph had induced his father to accord him more
honourable treatment. An attempt was now made to move Christoph to use
his influence so far as to procure Giulio's release, but the Count promptly
declined to undertake this mediation, so long as he himself did not receive
his own freedom. In those days, in the end of February, Captain Rainer
was restored to his relatives through exchange for a Cavalier dc la Volpe.
Shortly afterwards, on the 4th of April, the soldiers who had been captured
near Pordenone and confined in the Gabion i gaol, received permission to
return to their homes, in answer to a touching appeal which they had
addressed to the Signoria. At last, on the 3rd of May, it came even to a
direct proposition in the College to release Christoph from captivity — " and
to bring him honourably to an house, namely the Palazzo Dandolo, in
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The Doge Leonardo Loredano.
After the Painting of Giovanni Bellini in the National Gallery in London.
(From a Photograph by Braun Clement et Cie in Dornach.)
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which the retinue of his Consort dwelt," on a guaranty of thirty thousand
ducats, his promise to remain in Venice, and the delivery of Giulio
Manfron. The negotiations over this were prolonged through several
weeks. An ambassador from the King of France appeared as inter-
cessor for Christoph. The King, who desired to prolong the truce in
the name of Venice with the Emperor Maximilian, urged with cogent
reasons the release of Frangipani, which would, incidentally to the new
treaty, be openly proposed by Germany. The King of Spain also inter-
ceded for him in a petition which he sent to the Doge. On the 22nd of
May it came to a lively debate in the Senate, The Savii were of the
opinion that they should accede to the wish of Francis I., who would ill
brook a curt refusal ; others demanded an adjournment of the Council, which
was then closed after an address by Marino Sanuto. On the following day
the proposition of the Savii received renewed and thorough discussion, and
again it was Marino Sanuto — the same Sanuto whose Diaries we have
largely to thank for our knowledge of the fate of Christoph and Apollonia
— who in a longer oration spoke against the liberation of the Frangipani.
Already on a former occasion, in the year 15 10, he had in stirring words
given expression to his fears of imminent danger through the wild enter-
prising passion of the Count, and had urged that decisive precautionary
measures should be taken ; he now showed himself in this important
moment as a bitter antagonist.
Sanuto next called attention to the fact that their experiences in the
case of the Marquess of Mantua had taught them the impressive lesson,
how dangerous it was to release a captive of such importance from prison
on security, or still more so to grant him his freedom. He then continued
as follows : —
" And so are we now, according to the decision of these most honoured
Fathers, to release Count Christoph? — a release which will prove the ruin
of our Fatherland — release the greatest enemy which this State has, the
most inhuman military leader who caused the eyes of those poor people
in Friuli to be put out ? The Emperor will then have a Commander in
Chief, who is without a peer, either in the Margrave of Brandenburg,
or the Duke of Bavaria, or the Duke of Saxony — he will have this
Count Christoph, and in my opinion his only object in desiring to have
the treaty prolonged for another year, is to obtain the freedom of the
aforesaid Count Christoph, who is the brother-in-law of the Cardinal of
Gurk, who himself, with good ink, wrote that letter ; for the Catholic King
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would not express himself as, for instance, in the address, which reads :
* illustri duci Venetiarum, our most beloved friends.' The deceased King
of Spain always used the title, ' illustrissimo,' not 'illustri,* and in the
safe-conduct which the Catholic King had drawn up and which we
read yesterday, he also gives the usual title, * Illustrissimo.' I therefore
conclude this letter was written by the Cardinal of Gurk himself, and
merely signed by the Catholic King, for the Emperor always addresses
our City with 'illustri sincero dilecto duci Venetiarum.* On the which
grounds, my Lords, we need have no great anxiety to give all our reasons
to the most Christian King, as the famous Messer Alvise da Molin, who
would have the Count released, said to us yesterday from this tribune in
the following words :— ' All three of the Royal Lords will be offended, and
above all, the most Christian King— whom we have to thank for the State of
Milan, and through whom alone we can retain it — will be indignant when we
shall have given him our reasons/ In that draft of the letter in reply which
has been read it is certainly clearly stated, that the said prisoner may not be
set at large ; and in my opinion, most exalted Fathers, this letter, which re-
lates to the report, is well expressed and still better thought out, but the con-
clusion thereof does not satisfy me, according to my own judgment, for the
following reasons : the King would have little to say when the Ambassador
had read the letter and had made clear to him that it was not good to set
the prisoner at liberty ; but should the clause remain, * he could certainly
be released,' the most Christian King would reply — * Good ; then release
him,' and we should be compelled to set him at large. So then, my Lords,
this will come to pass which I, as your servant, have good cause to believe ;
Count Christoph will give you in security thirty thousand ducats through
the German merchants (for from whom else should he take the money ?)
or in drafts on the bank-cheques of the said merchants — but so soon
as he is released from confinement, he will be up and away from us ; for
nothing worse can happen to him than to pay us the money, which will
in truth be easy, for if it is possible for him to return home, he will go to
Gradisca and Maran, which places it is reported have been given him by
the Emperor, and he will there raise the thirty thousand ducats. But would
you, my Lords, lay hold of the merchants of Fondaco and ruin them as a
punishment, so call to mind that these same merchants were accorded
great privileges in this war, although the same was waged against the
Emperor, and that the German merchants are of great value to us, and we
are in many ways indebted to them — for the which reason you would not
be able to force matters ; then Royal letters would come, and you would
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be compelled to be patient, and that man, who is such a skilled Com-
mander, would do the utmost to revenge himself, and both he and the money,
most exalted Fathers, would be lost together! And to prove that this
is the truth I will give you an example, de similibus ad similia : Beraldin,
that citizen of Padua who was taken captive in this war and brought to
the Gabioni prison, gave a pledge of a thousand ducats ; that is to say, his
father-in-law, who certainly did not possess much more in this world, gave
five hundred ducats, and another man, who had borne the prison expenses
for him, gave the other five hundred ducats. He left the prison with the
promise to remain in Venice ; but what did he do ? He fled, and without
pity let the citizens, poor fellows, who were completely ruined, quietly
pay the thousand ducats. In this manner and not otherwise will Count
Christoph conduct himself; as soon as your Lordships have released him, he
will raise himself out of the dust. For this reason it appears to me safer
to write the letter without the said ending, and that it will be better to set
the following words in its stead, which your Excellencies will certainly
bring into order and will write his Most Christian Majesty, that it may
herewith be known to his Majesty that we are at no time wishful to with-
draw ourselves from the course of action which his counsel may suggest,
and that his Majesty shall on this occasion decide that which he thinks
serviceable to our interest, which by reason of our inviolable compact
is also to the interest of his Majesty. In this manner we shall within
fourteen days receive answer, and should the King wait for the release of
the Count, there will be time enough for your Excellencies to let him go
free, for I am fully persuaded that we should keep a good understanding
with his Majesty, as we in very truth are bound to do.
" This then is the opinion of your servant, and let it not be reckoned to
me for presumption, that I have ascended this tribune in order to refute the
opinions of these wisest and most illustrious Fathers. No, my Lords, my
conscience drove me to it ; for I swear by God, most honoured Prince, that
I would lose no word more on the present opportunity, but knowing its
importance, I would therefore — while no one spoke, and the letter was
brought forward three times, and all were of one mind concerning it — give
voice to my own conclusion from the boundless sense of duty which I
cherish towards this most honoured State, as I shall ever do, when I accord-
ing to my judgment can serve it in any way, and so I herewith commend
myself to your Lordships."
" I spoke," Sanuto adds, " several other words, which I do not need to
record at this moment; and I was greatly praised. But it is a difficult
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thing to cause a decision to be made against the great authority of the
Collegio. Had any man, however, brought my proposal in openly, it
would certainly have been accepted."
In spite of the communication showing such deference towards the
wishes of the King of France being sent in unaltered form, no definite
decision was arrived at. Christoph's attempt to raise the guarantee
money from the German merchants miscarried, and the offer which he
made on the 21st of July, that he would give the Signoria a valuable
diamond in pledge, was laid aside. At last on the 9th of August — so we
read — the Signoria decided upon the release, in spite of all that the Hun-
garian Cardinal urged against it. The decision was concluded, but the
actual execution of it came to naught. The only thing that Christoph
experienced was a satisfaction for the calumnies which a servant of one
of the Chiefs of the Ten had hurled against himself and the Countess : on
the 1 6th of August the guilty man was scourged with a rope in front of
the Torresella. What hindrances stood in the way of the release is not
stated, and, wonderful to relate, the name of Frangipani does not appear
a single time in Sanuto's Diary in the course of the next few months.
The first report which I find again is dated the ist of January 1518, and
imparts the information that Christoph still had his abode in the Torresella,
while the Duke of Urbino, who had Giulio Manfron in his power, exer-
cised himself to at least secure that the Count, in case he would pledge
himself to remain in Venice, should be given his freedom.
Though Apollonia's love had been able to dare so much, though she
had so nearly achieved the realisation of her plans — an inexorable fate
appeared to frustrate them all. " To endure the uttermost with him," this,
and this only, was not denied her.
At the same time that in the Sala del Collegio active proceedings were
being taken for the release of her husband, and Marino Sanuto exhibited
his oratorical art, the Countess lay sick unto death in the Torresella.
Since the day which had brought her reunion with her beloved, suffer-
ing had kept her to her couch. On the i8th of May three of the best
physicians in Venice: Magister Marin Brochardo, Bemardin Spiron,
Leonardo Butiron, and her own physician, Magister Fermo, came together
for a consultation. Brochardo undertook to lay the result before the
Collegio, which was as follows : that owing to the high state of the fever the
worst was to be feared. A few days later it was announced to be absolutely
necessary to bring her to the medicinal Baths of Abano in the Eugenean
mountains, which were famous since old Roman times. It was only after
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she had received the promise that she might return to her husband in his
imprisonment when the cure had been effected, that she was willing to
decide to listen to the wishes of the Count and the counsel of the physicians.
With an anxious heart Christoph witnessed her departure: in contem-
plating the Corpus Christi procession, which at his own request he was
permitted to view from the balcony of the Doge's Palace, he sought to
attain composure.
In July Apollonia returned — slightly recovered and strengthened, we
may believe — to Venice and the Torresella.
I had turned over page after page of the Diaries to the date in question,
when suddenly there appeared a longer gap than usual in Sanuto's com-
munications concerning Christoph and Apollonia; the thought then occurred
to me — (it was on the 22nd of February) — to look once more through
the volumes already perused to see if possibly a note had escaped me.
Almost the first thing upon which my eyes fell on throwing open the
twentieth volume was a letter addressed by Apollonia to Christoph from
Blaiburg, on the isth of March in the year 1515, nine months after he had
been taken prisoner. How then was it possible to have overlooked this
letter?
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Chapter IX.
The Lost Ring.
**Thou calledst the ring thine own?"
The Rhinegold.
" High-born and Mighty
Lord and Prince
Most beloved and most gracious
Spouse ! "
^AY my eternal and unchanging love and faithfulness in humility
and diligence be with you at all times ! I have received and
taken to heart your last letter given in the Torresella on
the 13th of February, in which your Lordship writeth in
relation to the permission for my coming to Venice, that your
Lordship would far rather see me come to Venice than have your
own freedom, if the latter could not be secured through a lasting
peace, and this indeed truly for many causes and considerations. To
this your desire I respond with the keenest longing. This lendeth, and
will continue to lend, the greatest comfort and support and true satisfaction
to my deeply tried heart and my weak body in this my afflicted life.
And when I bethink me that your Lordship is in prison and hath therein
endured other misfortunes and hardships, and that you are in spite of the
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same so good, gracious, and kind in encouraging my intention to come unto
you in Venice, and never cease to remember me, I will treasure this truly in
my soul for my whole life, and will never forget the kindness of your Lord-
ship. And in all that I do know and can do, I will never in a single thing
that God hath given, or shall give me, let anything fail concerning your
Lordship; and so I present myself to your Lordship as a good and faithful
handmaid, and am assured of this, that I had rather see and be with you
than possess any other thing in all the world.
"As concerning my sore illness, from the which I was hitherto and
still am much oppressed, honourable physicians with their sage counsel
would stand me in good stead, especially the physicians of Venice, who
surpass all others in fame and in skill. And according to their counsel,.
I believe that it would be for my good to drink the waters of Abano, in
the hope of regaining my health. As pertaining to the aforementioned
three things, I have sent a friendly and humble petition and request to the
most honourable Signoria, and have desired a safe-conduct, with which I
may safely come to Venice to your Lordship and may remain with you
for a time, under the same custody and control as yourself, where I likewise
can obtain counsel and help from those good and skilful physicians for
my sore illness. Hitherto the Signoria hath not granted me this, only, as
I believe, because of its great and manifold occupations ; but I have the
steadfast hope and the firm belief, that the most honourable Signoria in
its omnipotence will not deny me this favour and this upright petition.
" As to that which concerneth the ring" —
Is this an illusion of the senses? — do I read aright? — Am I dreaming?
— Ah no — there it stands —
'^ As to that which concerneth the ring^ gracious and most beloved Spouse ^
I will say^ that the ring which Messer Juan Stefano Maza hath received
must be made a little smaller than the old ring, and that the same inscription
must be mt upon it which was set within and without on the band of the
old ring — words which give the answer to those other words which stand on
the ring sent me by your Lordships the which I have by me. And I am
inwardly constrained to send the ring to your Lordship, in order that you may
wear it for love's sake and in remembrance of me. And since there is no good
goldsmith to be found here, I pray your Lordship, should this please you, to
have it graven there,''
I gaze upon the lines — the ring, the ring ! — a new one instead of the
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old one which was lost — the inscription ! — I read it again for the third
time, and cannot comprehend it — my presentiment — that all was not merely
a play of ideas — and now, this verification through her own words — it is
truth and reality !
I continue to read mechanically —
"Further, gracious Lord and beloved Spouse, concerning that which
your Lordship writeth me, that I shall send still another pair of bed-sheets,
in order that they may be changed, I send for the time being a pair of
those that belong to your camp-bed ; and in case that they do not fit, through
being either too large or too small, your Lordship shall let me know of it,
that I may, in fulfilment of your wish, send you some of the others, for
I know neither the size nor the length of the bed. Also : I have lately
sent your Lordship a pair of short-hose of black cloth, which are made of
coarse stuff. At the time I could find nothing better, and should your
Lordship wish for another pair, I have given orders to Messer Juan
Stefano Maza to send your Lordship, should you desire it, satin, velvet,
or damask, and cloth for a pair of short-hose. For the which reason your
Lordship shall speak with him and send all unto me, in order that I may
have something handsome prepared for your Lordship.
"With the present letter I send also another from my gracious
and beloved Brother, Count Ferdinand, and one likewise froip Tomaso
Socholeris, which was misplaced by me within another letter from Tomaso
Socholeris during my illness, and I have only just found it
" I commend myself to your Lordship as to my gracious Lord and
most beloved Spouse, with all faithfulness and humility, praying that you
will comfort yourself in this your misfortune, with the consideration that
Almighty God and time will lead all things to a good ending."
"Given in Blaiburg on the 21st day of March 1515."
" Gracious Lord and most beloved Spouse."
"For your Lordship's having written to me with your own hand in
order to cheer me in my sad affliction and pain, I thank your Lordship in
all humility, and ever treasure such words of your Lordship in my heart,
being greatly cheered through the comfort which your Lordship sendeth
me. And I beseech your Lordship in all obedience and friendliness, to be
cheerful and of a good courage, for I have in truth no doubt thereof that
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our Lord God in His divine grace will lead all things by a good way to
the end. Your daughter Anna Maria and our Sister, together with the
other maidens, commend themselves to your Grace, and your Lordship
knoweth that we offer up our prayers to our Lord God for your Lordship.
" Herewith I commend myself to your Lordship in the strong hope that
the Almighty God will soon to our great joy lead us together.
" When your Lordship wisheth for silver or aught else, you shall let
me know thereof."
" Apollonia
Countess of Frangipani."
"Also, gracious Lord and beloved Spouse, I likewise send you a
covering for your pillow, which your Lordship desired of me, and a letter
from my gracious Lord and beloved Brother the Cardinal of Gurk."
In an open field, nearly seven feet deep under the earth, a ring was
found by some peasants — not more than six days have elapsed since it was
brought by these peasants to St. Mark's Library, and was purchased by me,
and now the ring's whole history stands revealed ! I know who presented
it, who wore it, when it was lost — I know the fate-tossed, remarkable
destiny of her whose love found its emblem in this circlet. For three
hundred and seventy-eight years the ring had lain hidden in the clay,
and when it again came to light Fate decreed that it should be brought
from distant Pordenone to this quiet study, that a German might decipher
its inscription, and permit himself to be led by its magic to the discovery
of the secret which it concealed !
Here to this study — ^yes ! Is not this then the same Palazzo Ducale
in which Christoph Frangipani spent sorrowful years? In the Torresella
— the thoughts chase one another — the room in which I sit at the comer
of the Palace, — a few yards above it was the room in which Christoph
once dwelt — in which Apollonia shared the captivity of her husband.
Did the ring then seek the long- vanished Torresella ? — or did it seek me ?
My friendly adviser. Count Soranzo, bends over me and follows my
finger, which points to the place in Apollonia's letter. I listen while he
reads.
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^^ As to that which concemeth the ring^ gracious and most beloved Spouse y
I will sayy that the ring which Messer Juan Stefano Masa hath received
must be made a little smaller than the old ring^ and that the same inscription
must be cut upon it which was set within and without on the band of the old
ring — words which give the answer to those other zvords which stand on the
ring sent me by your Lordship ^ the which I have by me. And I am inwardly
constrained to send the ring to your Lordships in order that you may wear
it for lovers sake, and in remembrance of me. And since there is no good
goldsmith to be found here, I pray your Lordship y should this please yoUy to
have it graven there!'
This, therefore, is the history of the ring : ApoUonia had sent a golden
hoop from Blaiburg to a Venetian, named Juan Stefano Maza, who, as
the following will show, executed her commands for Christoph in Venice.
The same was to replace the " old " ring which had fallen from the hand
of her husband, to whom she had formerly presented it. While the old
ring was evidently too large, so that Christoph could lose it, the new one
was to be made somewhat smaller. But the same inscription which had been
placed upon the lost ring was now to be engraved on the new one. Count
Christoph should through the medium of Maza, who brought him the
new ring, commit the cutting of this inscription to a Venetian goldsmith,
because in the country Apollonia had no Master at her disposal who
could execute this artistic work.
In short, then: by the Countess's command a new and similar but
somewhat smaller ring was to be made in Venice to replace the lost one,
which Christoph was to wear, like the old ring, in remembrance of her.
But that old ring, which Christoph must have lost near Prata, is the
ring that I wear on my finger. Involuntarily the remembrance comes
to me of the note in the Diario di Pordenone which related how
Frangipani lost a relic before Osopo on the isth of February 15 14, a
few weeks before he came to Pordenone, which appeared to him to be
a presage of evil. Could the Chronicler have erred at the time of the
occurrence — was not that lost "relic" the ring? How often may
Christoph in his captivity have mentally connected the disaster which
overtook him with that foreboding ! But the passage in Apollonia's letter
gives rise to a further thought. " The inscription," she says, " which was
within and without on the band (poliza) of the ring." Poliza, appar-
ently, can here mean nothing else than the band or fillet which is
ornamented with the lettering. How then is the " within " to be explained ?
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The inner wall of the ring is smooth and bears no trace of engraving.
Now an earlier and closer inspection had long since yielded me this ; the
ring is hollow and has a double wall. Not only the outward convexity
indicates this, but also a small intentional hole in the inner surface. The
" interior" doubtless relates to the back side of the outer ornamented wall
hidden in this hollow space. Next the visible device : " Mit Willen dein
eigen" the ring therefore contains invisible words and — what is also
highly probable — a small relic, on account of which, as was so often
the case at that time, the ring was constructed in this form. So it is
easily understood that in the Chronicle a relic is spoken of — the relic
was lost with the ring, and in the loss of the latter Christoph perceived
an evil omen, which was then made known to the Chronicler.
The temptation is great. Shall I have the inner wall loosened in
order to read the hidden inscription ?
No — and again No — not I, to whom through a miracle this ring was
entrusted ! I shrink back, as from an act of irreverence, from disclosing
the secret which a loving heart wished to know hidden from the eyes of
the world. Not I — it shall rest encofiined in the dark, narrow chamber,
so long as I am permitted to be its guardian ! (See p. 153.)
Yet another step further — the last — but Apollonia's words lead us
on : the ring which Frangipani lost near Pordenone was a gift in exchange
for the ring which he had sent her. Just when this took place we learn
from examining the ring. The very slight, almost imperceptible abrasion of
the upper surface, indicates that Christoph had worn it but a very short
time, perhaps only for a few months. It must have happened somewhat
in this way: when Christoph soon after his wedding in the summer of
15 13 parted from his wife, and was drawn into the combat with Venice,
he sent her from a distance a ring bearing an inscription in token of his
remembrance, and received from her in return, the ring with " Mit Willen
dein eigen." These words, as she herself says, were an answer to the
question which he had caused to be engraved on the one which he had
sent her.
What can this question have been? What was its meaning? There
can be no doubt as to that: "Art thou of thine own free will, not through
compulsion, become mine?" this and nothing else must have been the
import of the question. From the Emperor's hand Count Christoph had
received his spouse. Did she obey the wish of her Imperial Lord, or
did she follow the impulse of her own heart as she extended her hand to
the new wooer ?
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Blessed hour in which the answer contained in four significant words
arrived: "Thine, wholly thine, through the freest will, in deepest love
thine for all time ! "
Ill-starred moment in which was lost the bearer of such a message !
Lost — but only in order that he who was bereft of it might have it restored
through unchanging faithfulness, and that centuries later it should again
see the light and become to future generations an emblem of immortal
love !
After all this, what is the use of seeking, of investigating further?
All now stands revealed to the day. With partial attention only, I
rapidly turn the leaves of Sanuto's volumes which have already been
searched, one after another, and always backward towards an earlier period.
In the fifth volume my glance remains fixed upon a certain point, to
which it now appears that I did not pay sufficient attention. It is that
short account which the Venetian Ambassador Alvise Mocenigo gives
of the celebration of the wedding of Apollonia with Count Lodron in
Innsbruck, on the isth of November 1503. This reads as follows : —
"And he, the Ambassador, writes — that Master Matthew Lang, the
Royal Secretary, had said to him, that he had a brother named John
Lang, who was a goldsmith. The same had become bankrupt in Venice,
and had taken two thousand ducats away with him from thence. The
said John Lang now petitions that a safe-conduct may be given him, to
hold good for four months, reckoning from the ist of December, and
will take sundry monies with him, in order that he may come to an
agreement with his creditors."
And on the 6th of November in the same year, Sanuto notes in his
book —
"A safe-conduct for six months, reckoning from the ist of December,
was given through the Consiglieri for the brother of Matthew Lang,
Secretary of the Roman Emperor, in order that he may come hither to
Venice, and make an agreement with his creditors."
A brother of Apollonia was a goldsmith. To whom else would she
then have entrusted the order to prepare this fine artistically decorated
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ring? And was it not my first conjecture when I beheld the exquisite
work that it came from the hand of an Augsburg artist ? John Lang's home
was of course in that city, " but he had tarried ofttimes in Venice and
had taken to wife a gentlewoman named Jacobina Trageschickh, whose
father was driven out of Croatia by the Turks." Like many of his
northern companions in art, he had carried on his artistic handicraft in
Venice — possibly was one of those Germans with whom Albert Dürer had
so much intercourse during his sojourn in Venice in 1506 on behalf of
Willibald Pirkheimer, who was passionately devoted to the acquisition of
rings and precious stones. In this case the last fact would be revealed to
us : the name of the artist who had carved the ornaments and letters on
the golden hoop with his graving tool.
I admit that in Sanuto's fourteenth volume is to be found the entry
that in 15 12 John Lang already occupied the position of Steward to his
brother, the Cardinal; further, that he was with Matthew in Rome in
this capacity in the year 15 13, and lastly, that during the presence of
the Cardinal in Vienna in the year 1515, as has been mentioned, he was
incidentally created a Knight at the Cardinal's request: all of which
indicates that as early as 15 12 John no longer exclusively pursued his
original calling, but followed loftier aims.
Who could, however, doubt that he willingly at all times offered to
his brother — in the inventory of whose effects is noted " ain klains prauns
pucksl drinnen das schön Diemantkreutzl von Herr Hannsen Lang, is
ungevelich auf fünff hundert Gulden geteurt worden," (One small brown
box in which is the beautiful little diamond cross, from Master John
Lang, valued at about five hundred gulden) — and likewise to his sister
the services of his art, which he surely never wholly forgot or abandoned ;
— that it was to this brother that she entrusted the secret of her heart,
to engrave it in imperishable characters " within and without on the band
of the ring" — the ring of Frangipani !
V
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Chapter X.
Companions in Suffering.
** Sorrowful darkness dimmeth my sight."
The Valkyrie.
^HE negotiations of the King of France with Venice in connec-
tion with Christoph's release were unsuccessful, the favourable
moment had passed by without having been utilised, and the
prisoner, in deep despondency, saw a new year — the fourth
since he fell into the enemy's hand — begin. But before the
old year departed, it appears that Apollonia, seeking a last ex-
pedient in her heart's distress, had given her husband the idea of
writing to the Emperor himself. Only the answer to this letter, received
on the 20th of January, has been preserved for us.
" Maximilian, by the grace of God
Roman Emperor, etc.,
To Our noble, dear, faithful
and loyal
Christoph and Apollonia,
Count and Countess of Frangipani."
" Noble, dear, faithful, and loyal ones ; We have graciously and willingly
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felt without ceasing, great compassion and deep sorrow on behalf of your
long and hard confinement, and because of this have used and brought
to bear every imaginable device to procure your release, or at least to
lighten your captivity, and to secure for you the honourable abode of a
nobleman. Nevertheless, although the matter was urged through repeated
negotiations and good means, We have not been able to obtain it, which
We verily could not have believed. But whereas matters have been turned
to other ends than those formerly in view. We therefore hope within a short
space for the alternative of freeing you both from your great suffering, or at
least, of certainly securing for you a substantial alleviation of the same. We
would make this known to you as friendly tidings and for your welfare, that
you may therewith know how to comfort yourselves, and it is Our earnest
desire that you endure the short time that is to come without further
anxiety, in that We are well-disposed towards you and herewith convey to
you Our gracious intentions."
" Given in Our City of Linz, on the 28th day of the month of December
1 5 17, in the 22nd year of Our Roman Lordship,
" By the special command of the Emperor and Lord,
" In the name of the King,
" Rainer."
That certainly sounded comforting, but the promise remained un-
fulfilled, and Christoph wrote a second time to the Emperor. The
reply of the latter reached Venice on the 31st of March.
" Maximilian
by the grace of God elected Roman Emperor, etc.,
To Our noble, dear, faithful
Christopher, Count of Frangipani,
Our Governor of Adelsberg and Carinthia."
" Noble and dear faithful Servant : —
" We have received thy two letters and have heard the whole message
which thou hast imparted to Our servant, Stefano Zeno, who hath com-
municated the same unto Us. Be it known to thee that We have gracious
compassion upon thy hard and long captivity, and could never have
believed that the Venetians would have conducted themselves so harshly
towards thee, but that rather out of love towards Us, and in consideration of
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other most pressing and important circumstances, they would have shown
thee greater kindness and courtesy. But while naught of this hath
hitherto come to pass, We cherish the hope, that within a short season a
decision which shall be profitable for thee will be made. In the meanwhile,
thou wilt surely comfort thyself and await the same in good hope, together
with thy beloved Consort, who hath hitherto borne thee faithful company.
We would likewise bring to thy knowledge that We have graciously
exercised Ourself, and will spare no trouble in the matter of the security
through which, as thou hast made known to Us, thou hopest to lighten thy
strict captivity. We have further granted five hundred Rhenish pieces for
the support of thyself and thy aforesaid Consort, and We send thee, as
thou wilt see, a bill of exchange for the same. Be it also known to thee that
We will hold thy long and hard captivity in gracious remembrance, like-
wise also the circumstances and the great damage which thou and thy
faithful companion have sustained for this cause, and the suffering which
thy aforementioned Consort hath shared with thee, and that We at the
proper time and in the proper place will restore all things to you and will
show Ourself heartily grateful for the same, all of which We through
grace would not have concealed from thee."
"Given in Innsbruck, on the nth day of March 1518, in the 22nd year
of Our reign."
" By command of the Emperor,
In the name of the King."
But this epistle was still not capable of soothing Christoph's agitated
feelings. In those days Apollonia again fell ill. On the 30th of April
she received permission for the second time to visit the Baths of Abano,
where she met the Duke of Ferrara. Did she possibly also at that time
meet Luigi da Porto, who sought to arrest the consequences of the
wounds once received in the Friulian War by means of the healing
spring-waters in the Eugenean hills, but for whose heart — suffering from
an unrequited love for his charming " enemy " Ginevra — no remedy could
be found? And when she met him — did he seek to give the sorely
afflicted wife melancholy comfort through narrating to her the story of
Romeo and Juliet as his servant once did to him ?
On the 3rd of June she had not yet returned to Venice. On this day,
as in the previous year, " Count Christoph and Rizzan went under a
strong guard on to the balcony before the hall of the library, in order
that they might view the Corpus Christi procession in company with the
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Superintendent of the prison, Ser Juan Antonio Dandolo, and they both
were attired in silk, and Count Christoph wore a great cap of gold upon his
head, and after that the procession was ended, they returned again to their
prison."
In the following weeks the negotiations for peace between Germany,
France, and Venice, for the results of which the Emperor had encouraged
his faithful servant to wait, were to lead to a more comprehensive agree-
ment
On the 31st of July a truce for five years was concluded under new
stipulations. One of the principal clauses in the chapters of the same
related to the exchange and release of all the prisoners. All— except
one : Christoph Frangipani was excluded !
The treaty, which was published in Venice about the middle of August,
contained the following paragraph : —
" But while the Count of Frangipani, prisoner of the said Doge and
of the Lords of Venice, was already long before the conclusion of the
aforementioned Truce presented to the Most Christian King, it is there-
fore agreed upon, that he shall in loyalty and good faith be set at liberty,
but must promise to remain as a prisoner at the court of the said Most
Christian King."
Not freedom, only a change of captivity confronted the sorely
tormented man. Apollonia was far from her husband when his fate
was made known to him. From week to week she had delayed her
return from Abano, whose waters had failed in their healing effect. Only
by the end of August it appears to have been possible for her to return
to Venice, where she this time, at the wish of the Signoria, perhaps also
on account of her illness, took up her abode in Dandolo's Palace, and not
in the Torresella.
Whatever the future might conceal, Frangipani greeted the decision
as a redemption. At last he was to leave this detested prison^ in
which his young, strong life was being consumed in ever - renewed
disappointment — come what might, it was good in comparison with the
misery which he endured here* The 3rd of September was the day
appointed for his release.
On this day Christoph engraved in the marble window-sill of the
chamber in the lower portion of the Torresella the following inscription,
7
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which was read by Cicogna in the beginning of our century, but is now
concealed by a stone casement : —
.... F .... L . INCHLVSO . QUA . IN . TORISE . . . FINA,
TERZO I ZORNO . DE . SETEMBRO . DEL . M . D . XVIIl . lO.
CRISTOFORO . FRANG | EPANIBVS . CHONTE . DE . VEGLIA . SENIA.
ET.MODRVSA | ET.IO.APOLONIA . CHONSORTE.DE.SOPRADITO.
SIGNIOR . CHONTE I VENE . FAR . CHONPAGNIA . A . QUELO . ADI.
XX . ZENAR . MDXVl . PERFINA | SOPRA . DITO . SETEMBRO . CHI.
MAL . E . BEN . NON . SA . PATIR . A . GRA | NDE . HONOR . MAY.
POL . VENIR . ANCHE . BEN • NE . MAL . DE . QVI . PER. | SEMPRE.
NON . DVRA .
In English —
"... Imprisoned here in the Torresella until the third day of
September in the year 15 18, I, Cristoforo Frangipanibus, Count of Veglia,
Segna, and Modrusa, and I, Apollonia, Consort of the aforesaid Lord
Count, who came to bear him company on the 20th day of January 15 16
till the above-mentioned September. Whoso knoweth not how to endure
both good and ill can never attain to great honour. Howbeit neither
good nor ill endureth here for ever."
The words which fail at the beginning are to be filled in as follows :
"From the ninth day of June 1514 tarried. . . ." According to Sanuto,
who mentions the inscription, Christoph had engraved besides this how
he was taken captive and brought to the Torresella. And to this the
Venetian adds: " it was in all 15 18 days."
But the 3rd of September was not the last day which the Count was
to pass in the Doge's Palace.
The Signoria determined otherwise — because Giulio Manfron still
remained in the custody of Bemhardin Frangipani. The Condottiere
Juan Paolo Manfron loudly complained that his son was retained contrary
to the treaty, and was also being ill-used. Bemhardin, however, explained
that he would not release his prisoner until the stipulated ransom should
be paid. To this dissension Christoph was sacrificed. His request
that he might appear before the Coll^[e was granted on the 19th day
of September.
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" Escorted from the Torresella, he came into the CoUegio, attired
. in new velvet, with a great cap of gold upon his head. He made pro-
found salutations on entering, kissed the hand of the Doge, and sat
himself down beside him. He then expressed his thanks to the Signoria
for the good treatment which had been accorded him, and excused him-
self for his proceedings on the plea that he was Commander in Chief
in the service of the Imperial Majesty, which duty had come to him
through the dependence of his State upon the same. He then remarked,
that according to the articles of the Truce the prisoners must be released,
and that although its ratification had already been received from the
Imperial Majesty, he was still detained in captivity. He implored the
Signoria to set him at large: Juan Paolo Manfron, whose son was a
prisoner, demanded his own son, but did not wish that he (Christoph)
should be released. The former would, however, be free as soon as the
expenses were paid. Many words were then exchanged over this, and
it was decided that a ransom should be given according to the usages of
war. Count Christoph then prayed for permission to visit his Consort^ who
since her return from the baths had not gone back to the Torresella,
but to a house in the Calle de la Rase, for which she paid a rental,
and where she was then to be found. She had been very ill, but was
now recovered. To this appeal no answer was given him. So he took
his departure and returned again to the Torresella. And the Captain
Rizzan, who should also have been set at liberty, remains still in the
prison of the Gabioni. The said Christoph did not mention the fact that
he was to be sent to France, although this was well known to him. The
Doge likewise said nothing to him on this matter."
Weeks again passed away — the resisting power of the Count was
broken. On the 13th of October Dandolo announced: "that for two
days it had gone very ill with Count Christoph, and that he suffered
from pain in the side. His wife the Countess was with him. He implored
the Signoria to release him and to bring him to a private house, in order
that he might be healed, in accordance with the articles of the Truce : he
had also received in the banking house of the Pisani the draft which was
shown as the ransom for Giulio Manfron, and had written to his father
to release him. He himself was ill and could no longer remain where he
was." The Doge and many others were ready to accede to his wish, but
" Ser Luca Trun, the Consigliere, would not have it, saying, ' Christoph's
illness was only feigned.* " Two physicians were then sent to him, and
336953B
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these prescribed remedies for him. " He is quite in despair, sees that he
cannot be set at liberty, and torments himself greatly." And when on
the 14th of October inquiry was made of the doctors after their second
visit, they gave answer, " that he had severe pains, which were due solely to
distress of mind, melancholy, etc. Then when they were departed, Juan
Antonio Dandolo reported a few words which the Count had said to him,
praying him no longer to devote himself to his office, as he, Christoph,
would endure it until Sunday, but if he were not then set free, he would
go to the window and cry out, and would then run, dash his head against
the wall and die, because he was unjustly held in captivity contrary to
the contents of the Statutes, while all the other prisoners had been released.
Thereupon it came to a great discussion. The Coll^o showed itself
disposed to set the Count at liberty, but the Consigliere Ser Luca Trun
fell into a rage and used unseemly words. On this Ser Juan Antonio
Dandolo laid down his office, with the words, ' he could no longer permit
himself to be regarded as a fool * — and he therefore did accordingly."
Again the doctors were sent to Christoph, who was cared for by his
physician. Master Domenico Monopoli, a brother of the Monopoli who
was appointed Professor in Padua. On the same day Rizzan was released
from his confinement.
Things had reached their climax — the prisoner, ill and in despair, had
become frantic. The worst was to be feared. Dandolo — the worthy man
who for seven long years had conducted the superintendence of the prison
with wisdom and integrity, and had preserved such perfect order, that during
this whole period, with one thousand two hundred and three prisoners, not
even the smallest mishap had occurred — refused to bear the responsi-
bility any longer, and resigned his position to two secretaries who were
provisionally appointed. He knew Christoph's unyielding character, and
doubted not that, being deprived of every consideration, he would certainly
in some way execute his threat.
" On the 29th day of October, as the Council of Ten was assembled, at
about the twenty-third hour, came one of the guards of the Count Frangipani,
with whom his Consort tarried, and made known that he had surely heard
iron breaking, and filing with a noiseless file. Upon this, the Secretary of
the Council of Ten, Juan Batista di Adriani, with the chief people, was
sent thither, and they found that the iron of the round window which looks
out upon the bridge, or rather upon the piazza, had been sawn through, so
that the same could be easily removed. Through this opening the Count
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The Coronation of Mary
with Christoph and ApoUonia Frangipani.
After the Woodcut in the öerraano-Roman Breviary of 1518.
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T"'n Mt- \x:k
FC I : L ; ■;;..;:¥
f-i :: ' ■ • ::i
L I
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lOI
would have let himself down with a rope, and so would have escaped, had
it not been discovered in time. Adriani was busied there for two hours
with testings and notes ; he then commanded the Countess to leave the
prison, and sent her back to her dwelling, where he also kept her women
in custody under a guard and caused them to be questioned concerning
the plot. And when he had left the guardsmen and the chief people there,
the said Secretary to the Council of Ten returned and made everything
known to them. And had it not been noticed, in the self-same night the
prisoner would have escaped. The Chiefs of the Ten thereupon arranged
that the process concerning the plot shquld begin with the queries : who
had brought the iron to the Count, and in what manner he had intended
to flee? The Council then lasted until far into the night."
Although the attempt at flight had miscarried, it had this result, that
the Signoria determined to rule Frangipani's concerns as quickly as possible.
On the 3rd of November it inquired of the King of France what was to
be done. Two letters from the Emperor and the Cardinal of Gurk, the
text of which is not preserved, soothed the feverish agitation of the sorely
tried man, exhorted Christoph to be of good courage, and to submit
himself to' honourable custody at the French court, where his interests
would be cared for. In a conference with the French Ambassador,
Christoph declared himself ready to accede to the wishes of the King, and
received in return the assurance of a prompt decision. The result of this
was that Giulio Manfron's release also came again under discussion, but
was always defeated by the demand of Count Bernhardin for a ransom of
eight hundred ducats in ready coin. An agreement was then reached,
according to which four hundred ducats should be paid immediately,
but the other four hundred only when Giulio should have entered
Friuli.
The answer of Francis I. finally arrived on the 2nd of December. The
King sanctioned the strict guard over Christoph, as it had been decided
since his attempt at flight that he should be given in exchange for a
certain Marshal de Novara, who was held captive by the King of Spain.
He should be sent under a guarantee of loyalty to Milan, to Monseigneur
de Lautrec, the French Viceroy in Lombardy, and afterwards to Crema,
from whence he should be taken away. On the 19th of December, Giulio
Manfron entered Padua, and on the following day Christoph was called
before a secret sitting of the Council of Ten, where the decision was made
known to him. With the necessary preparations — which had to be altered
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at the tidings that eighteen German horsemen and other armed men had
shown themselves nearNoal with the intention of carrying off the Count —
the last days of the year 1518 passed away.
On the 2nd of January, Apollonia — ^*'who since being parted from her
Consort in the Torresella, on his attempt at flight, had dwelt in the Calle
de la Rase in the Palazzo Dandolo — appeared before the Doge. She came
attended by several of her women, took her seat beside the Doge, and
caused a written petition to be read to him. She prayed the Signoria to
grant her leave to take the midday and evening meals with her beloved
Consort, in order that she might give him her hand before his departure»
And this was therefore accorded her by the Collegio, and she went into
the Torresella to sup and to tarry with him, because that in a very short
time he should be taken to Milan."
On the evening of the 5th of January, up in the Torresella, Christoph
and Apollonia bade one another farewell. So it was at last, at last come
to this. After four and a half years of torturing captivity, the gates of the
prison opened ! There towards the west, from whence the sun gilding
lagoons, churches, and palaces sent its parting greeting to the city bom
of the sea, lay the way that the Frangipani must journey. Did it lead to
redemption, to destruction ? Venice sank into darkness, night descended
over all — Apollonia's decision was made !
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" To the glorie of the most holie uncreate Almightie undivided trinitie
God the Father god the Sone god the holie ghost And to the maiden
Marie the pure mother of god and all the Saintis of god hath this highlie
commendable prayerebook, which was at the Seventh Time done from
latin into german, been made, seeing that not everie man understandeth
the artful and renowned latin Speech, and that it is therefore not the
german usage unto the present time to teach women this speech in their
youth, for the which cause manie prayereful-minded people are perchance
not whollie and entirelie able to conduct their devotions as they would,
And by reason of this they cannot understand with their hearts that which
they do speak with their mouths. Therefore This german breviarie was
prepared and taken from the romano-latin breviarie to the increasing
praise of god and was done into good vulgar german after the true
ordinance and ordering of the roman church and IUI hundred bookis were
printed at the cost and desire of the high-born lord lord Christofferen of
Frangepan prince and count to Zeng, vogel and madrusch, together with
his gracious dearest Spouse mistress Apollonia.
" At this time also the most honourable, most mightie unconquerable
prince and lord lord Maximilian roman emperor led a war against the Senate
of Venice. In the service of which imperial majestie the far-famed count
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received and suffered an unluckie fall with his horse in the defence of the
imperial majesties borders and places, and was on this wise taken prisoner
between gradisch and gärtz by the forces of the lords of Venice, and in
Venice was kept in a dungeon or prison (called dorasel) From the V day
of June in the year XV hundred and XIII till the last day of October in
the year XV hundred and XVIII, which time of his grace's captivitie
includeth to this day three and fifty months less five days. And he is
still confined in the prison. In the which the laudable countess Spouse
unto his grace stood by him in praise-worthie fidelitie and dwelt with him
In strict, hard custodie XXII months by permission of the lords of Venice.
Therefore the said count and countess ferventlie pray and entreat that
they may Through god's grace be helpful unto all, And especially to Such
as have received grace from god the almightie to pray these most precious
and serviceable prayers, not to forget them both in their devotions before
the most high, eternal divine majestie to pray For the forgiveness of their
sins. Bestowal of divine grace. Release from captivitie And eternal rest to
all believing christian souls. Amen."
Such is the preface to be found on the first page of one of the rarest
works from the prime of the Venetian printers' art : the " germano-roman
breviarie" of Gregorius de Gregoriis in the year 1518. Only isolated
examples of this book have come down to our own time, which have been
seen by a few bibliophiles and cited by them in an unsatisfactory manner.
Thanks to the courteous permission of the Directors of the National
Museum in Buda-Pesth, I was permitted to thoroughly study one of these
books which is preserved in that collection. It is a thick volume of more
than six hundred pages, printed in beautiful red and black Gothic type,
with ten full-page woodcuts by the hand of the most famous Venetian
illustrator of the period, twelve marginal illustrations, and as many
decorative headings to the Calendar ornamented with the signs of the
months and numerous figure initials. Over the preface appear together
the armorial bearings of the Frangipanis and those of the Langs of
Wellenburg. But in the first large woodcut, which is repeated towards
the close of the book, beneath the coronation of Mary represented above,
two kneeling figures are to be seen : Christoferus and Apollonia.
A powerful man with a long full beard, in complete armour, with a
German cap upon his head, is the kneeling Frangipani ; beside him on the
ground rests his heavy feather-crested helmet Apollonia appears in simpler
attire with a chain of gold about her neck, and her hands are adorned with
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rings. With few but characteristic touches the artist has reproduced the
figures as they appeared before him in the Torresella, leaving the phantasy
of the beholder to paint in the details and to fill them with life.
The only thing besides this woodcut showing a direct connection with
the donors of this beautiful work, is a frequently repeated marginal
decoration, which portrays the Redeemer between the half figures of
Saints Christopher and Apollonia.
Three years later than the Prayer-book which the Emperor Maximilian
had printed by Schönsberger in Augsburg, and decorated with marginal
sketches by Albert Dürer, — ^sketches in which among the few saintly figures
the Holy Apollonia received a page dedicated to herself, — ^this Breviary
was issued, at the " cost of publication " of the Count ; it is, however, not
stated who rendered the Latin text into German, which was especially
designed to benefit German women. Was this the work of Christoph
himself, the occupation by which the prisoner sought during fifty-three
months of captivity to drive away despondent thoughts and at the same
time to prove himself worthy of the grace of God ? One would willingly
believe it: in that case Christoph's labour of care and love would have
passed out of the Torresella into the hands of Jakob Wyg the bare-
footed friar of Colmar, who corrected and prepared it for printing. At
the close of the Breviary it is stated —
" The germano-roman breviarie doth here have an end, which was done
from the latino-roman breviarie into true vulgar german (was lawfully
given and prepared and commanded to be printed at the cost of the
aforesaid noble high-born lord lord Christoph of Frangepan prince and
count to Zeng, Vegel and Madrusch etc.. Together with his highlie
honoured gracious wedded consort mistress Apollonia justlie renowned
most worthie countess to Frangepan): and was also with especial zeal
corrected, quoted and brought into the present order by the pious spiritual
brother Jakob Wyg of Colmar of the bare-footed friars. It was printed
and verilie with great diligence finished at Venice by the notable master
Gregorium de gregoriis. In the year after the birth . of christ our lord
one thousand V hundred and XVIII on the last day of the month of
October. For the which we would express our praises and thanks to the
uncreate unfathomable almightie most holie three in one, god the father, god
the sone and god the holie ghost, which was and which is and which is to
come, to whom be glorie praise and honour from world to world. Amen."
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Chapter XI.
" Ready to endure the Uttermost ! "
J^«^
"There pales the flower,
There wanes the light."
The Valkyrie.
\
HIS morning on the 6th day of January in the year 1519, the
Count Christoph, who for the space of 181 3 days had been a
prisoner in the Torresella, journeyed away, and on his account
the Luogotenente of the Lord Janus of Campofr^oso, and
his company are come unto Padua, in order to conduct him
safety to Crema. And he was brought with the barge of
the Council of Ten as far as to Lizzafusina. His wife went with
him in another barge to Lizzafusina, where she bade him farewell. But
the Count, on entering Padua, will be conducted further in a litter drawn
by four horses, and will be leniently treated. At his departure he gave
fees to the steersmen and other servants of the barge, and yesterday even-
ing the Signoria sent to him, by command of the Collegio, Juan Batista di
Adriani, Secretary to the Council of Ten, in order to give him certain
friendly words, saying he should go with good courage to France, and for
that which had occurred the war alone was responsible. Thereupon he
replied that he had ever been a true servant of this State, and returned
thanks for the kind treatment which had been accorded him, etc. He took
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his departure this morning at about the thirteenth hour, and as he went
forth, he thanked Juan Antonio Dandolo, who had held guard over him,
and the other prisoners. Upon this Ser Juan Antonio presented him with
a golden ring, in the which was a turquoise and an inscription round about :
*Spes mea in Deo est' — ^*My hope is set truly in God' — ^which saying is
his motto and to be found on various places in the Torresella, for he valued
it highly."
From Padua, where Marc Antonio Loredano gave him honourable
reception, Christoph was conducted onward through Vicenza to Verona.
Here he received a visit from the son of the Podesta, Stefano Magno, and
in Brescia another from the Venetian Vicar, so that, as he himself gratefully
wrote the Signoria, he had the best company upon his journey. In Crema
Jacomo Spinola, the Luogotenente of Campofregoso, took leave of him
after delivering him into the care of the Ambassador of the Marshal de
Lautrec, who brought him to Milan. In the Castello, the seat of the
Lords of Milan, which had been founded by the Visconti, and enlarged
and artistically decorated by Francesco Sforza, and Lodovico Moro, his
prison was appointed by Lautrec, and then began anew the torture of
fruitless hopes of his final release, which in spite of the King of Hungary's
intercession at the French court were not realised. Month after month
passed away !
And ApoUonia ?
A single short notice from Sanuto — and all will have been said of her.
" On the 4th day of September there died in Milan Madonna Apollonia,
Sister of the most worthy Cardinal of Gurk, and Consort of the Count
Christoph Frangipani, who is a prisoner in the Castello of Milan, and
whose Spouse had followed him thither : and her body was laid within a
coffin and sent hither to Venice, and was then brought further by the high-
way to Friuli, in order to be buried in a Castle of the Count named . . .
in the neighbourhood of Capo d'Istria."
"Ready to endure the uttermost if only it be with him," — she had
fulfilled her promise. No word had passed over those lips which was not
the truth undefiled, no thought had lived in that soul which was not
inspired of love! She died with him. The last breath of her "sorely
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afflicted life " was the confession of eternal, unchanging faithfulness ; the
last smile upon the features worn by suffering gave the blessed assurance
that for Love there is no death.
No death, Apollonia ! — from the lap of earth which received thy weary
body, thy spirit arose in purity and in beauty to new light, and thy love
lives ever onward in hearts that understand thy saying —
" Myt Wyllen dyn eygen " — Willingly thine own !
Nine months earlier, on the 12th January 15 19, the Emperor died
suddenly and unexpectedly in Wels. Count Christoph had scarcely
departed from Venice, when Apollonia must have received these tidings.
A final attempt to establish peace and unity through securing the Imperial
power in Germany marked the close of Maximilian's activity. In the same
Augsburg, in which in the year 1 500 he had brought his complaints before
the Estates of the Realm, they were reassembled in the year 1518. Hope
and youth since then had fled — ^''This world no longer holds a joy
for me," were the words in which the depression of one who had been
disappointed in all his lofty plans found utterance. Weary of combat and
of life, did he in solitary moments recall long- vanished experiences to his
mind ? Did he think of love's enchantment which once encircled the walls
of this city for him ? A single shadow of remembrance, only that — nothing
further — fell upon the spirit which was weary unto death. All that
remained to him from the old days was the true friendship of the man
whose counsel had unfalteringly accompanied him through this long period.
The Cardinal Matthew Lang was again at the side of his Imperial Lord
during the Diet in Augsburg ; he aided him in the fruitless struggle against
the arrogance of the Princes of the Realm, in the difficulties attending the
establishment of legal tribunals, and in the negotiations for the succession
of Karl V. Perhaps it was he also who informed Maximilian of the un-
successful attempt of Cardinal Cajetan, who for the first time in the pres-
ence of Emperor and Nobles, sought to move the Monk of Wittenberg
to a recantation of the propositions of his theses — in which way it is not
difficult to discover. What had the favourite of Leo X., the protector of
all free classical art, to do with this "monkish brawl"? "What was
conscience?" More important to him than all the theses on indul-
gences were the allegorical representations of the " Triumphal Chariot "
and the " Arch of Triumph," for the glorification of his Emperor by the
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learned men of his court, which were carved in wood by Albert Dürer,
Hans Burgkmair, and other artists, and his commissions to the jg^eat
Nuremberg Master, who already in the year 15 15 had dedicated the
'«Hemispheres," sketched by Stabius, and the "Map of the World"
to the Cardinal. Dürer had likewise designed for him his escutcheon,
together with two symbolical drawings representing the "Bearing of
the Cross" (which are now in the British Museum). Was it not also
the Cardinal — enthusiastic over the newly arisen heathen world — for
whom Dürer — ^who had come to Augsburg, and had drawn the Emperor
Maximilian's "likeness high up in his little chamber at the Castle" — had
executed that painting of Lucretia, which bears the date of 15 18, and is
to-day preserved in the Old Pinakothek in Munich ? A panel painting
presenting this subject, which was at that time rarely treated in German Art,
is cited in the inventory of Matthew Lang's effects, together with one
"Nackende Venus und Cupido" — among all the rich possessions of
precious stones, pearls, rings, and costly stuffs !
Between the world represented by such a Prince of the Church as
this who adorned his chamber with paintings of Venus and of Lucretia,
and that which Luther fashioned out of deep spiritual necessity, lay an
unbridgable chasm. Whosoever had eyes to see and ears to hear, to him
must this Diet in Augsburg have revealed it. In storms which shook all
institutions to their foundations, a decaying epoch went to ruin — and with
it the last German Knight and Emperor.
It is related that, "When the Emperor Maximilian lay sick unto
death in the beginning of the year 1519, he desired longingly to see
the Cardinal who had been so dear unto him in order to give him
his last blessing, but the message was not delivered to the same by the
envious servants of the court." The words which Dürer had to set upon
the finished woodcut after his drawing of the Emperor made in Augsburg
read: "The beloved Prince Emperor Maximilianus is on the XII day of
January, In the LIX year of his age blessedly departed from this present
life in the year of the lord 15 19." The lamentations of the orphaned
circle of Humanists are collected by Max Treizsaurwein in the Weisskuntg
in the words : " What a wondrous Kyngly, upright Spirit did this young
Kyng possess ! He is a pattern to all future Kyngis and Princes, that they
may ever uphold and cherish his Kynglie and princelie memorie."
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The night had descended over all — lonely, forsaken at last by his de-
voted wife, Christoph had cursed the hour which had deceitfully promised
him freedom in order to make him first realise the full misery of captivity.
What was the melancholy of the Torresella compared with the unbearable
torture which he suffered during those days and weeks in the Castello of
Milan ? All the ties of his life were rent asunder. Emperor Maximilian,
his Imperial Lord, and Apollonia, his good Angel, were no more. He
evidently could hope for no further assistance from the Cardinal of Gurk —
although the latter enjoyed the favour of the new Emperor, was active as
the Envoy of Karl V. at his election in Frankfurt, and was shortly afterwards
appointed Archbishop of Salzburg. This was manifest in the negative
reply which Karl sent to the King of France when the latter renewed
the proposal that the prisoner in Milan should be exchanged for the
Marshal de Novara.
Alone, thrown entirely upon his own resources, Christoph decided to
save himself from the danger of perishing.
On the 17th of October the news was read aloud in the Collegio in
Venice: "Count Christoph, through an understanding with two servants
of the Castellan of Milan, Monseigneur de Mondragon, had let himself
down over the wall of the Castello on that side where are certain mills
which make a noise with the grinding, had likewise with the said servants
passed the moat, and they are all three escaped, no man knoweth whither,
or to which side." Seven days later it was reported that he, with the
two servants, had crossed the mountains uninjured to Arco, and thus
attained safety from the pursuers. On the 5th of November he entered
Fostoyna, where he was received with great joy amid the salvoes of
artillery.
After an absence of more than five years, Frangipani greeted his home
again in perfect freedom. Joyous festivities welcomed him in the circle
of his family, and in the old ancestral seat of his race in Croatia. In
moments intoxicated with joy all may have appeared to him unaltered,
all to be restored to him again — till on the peaceful, hallowed spot before
the newly closed vault, he realised that the best possession of his life had
for all time been irreparably taken away from him.
Yet once again did he direct his glance backward upon the past ; in an
epistle to the Signoria of Venice, he prayed that a safe-conduct might be
granted him, in order that he might fulfil a vow made in sorrowful
moments to the Madonna of Chioggia — a request which was denied him.
Then he turned himself to a new life. Accompanied by twelve horse-
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^Jü
Emperor Maximilian I.
After a Drawing by Albert Dürer (151 8) in the Albertina in Vienna.
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men, he appeared in February 1520 in Augsburg, where he sought out his
brother-in-law, Matthew Lang, and laid before the same the claims which
he had upon the Emperor. He returned home with the title of General
of Carinthia and Krain. What we learn of him in the following period
creates the impression that the foregoing five years, with all their
experiences, had passed away without leaving a trace upon him. At
the head of his Croatians he was continually engaged in harassing the
Venetian frontier, taking advantage of the incursions of the Turks, now
as friend, now as enemy, when they could be utilised for the extension
of his power. The cause of disquiet wherever he appeared, he forged
ambitious plans in secret, to whose realisation all these petty undertakings
were merely the prologue.
The good which the union with a noble woman awakened in his
spirit found its expression during the long period of suffering which
overshadowed him. With the loss of her love — so Fate's decree would
have it — he purchased his freedom! Restrained by no power, he
henceforth yielded to the hot impulses of his passions, and intoxicated
by them was carried away to the inevitable catastrophe of an early, violent
end.
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Chapter XII.
Christoph*s End.
* Thine angel pleads for thee
At God's high throne.**
Tannhauser.
)URING the second decade of the sixteenth century a large
sphere for activity was assured to all ambitious schemes and
enterprises in the kingdom of Hungary, which was rent with
party dissensions and unceasingly harassed by incursions of
the Turks. Since the death of Matthias Corvin, and the ascent
of the throne by King Wladislaw II., who united the sovereignty
of Hungary with that of Bohemia, the land had never attained
rest. One of the national parties which supported as pretender to the
crown John Corvin, son of Matthias, — who afterwards sealed his bond with
the Frangipani by marrying Count Bemhardin's daughter, Beatrice, — was
certainly not strong enough to establish his right; but another more
powerful rival, Maximilian of Hapsburg, knew — although not without the
aid of the mighty Croatian Count who had seceded to him from John
Corvin's party — how to lend pressing weight to his own claims. His
attack upon Hungary in the year 1492 resulted in the treaty in which
he was named as King Wladislaw's heir, should the latter die without
children.
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In the protracted combats with the numerous magnates of the realm»
among whom Stephen Zapolya upheld the standard of the national
ideal, the King from this time forward won as partner in the treaty his
former rival, John Corvin, who, as Ban of Croatia and Slavonia, for some
time took an active part, with varying success, against Zapolya and the
Frangipanis, but in the year 1496 was compelled to yield to the growing
power of his opponents, and afterwards found his especial task in the war
against the Turks. A year after his death in 1505, John Zapolya, the
son of Stephen, was proclaimed King by an Imperial Diet, which likewise
enunciated the principle that no foreign prince should henceforth reign
in Hungary. Great hopes were awakened by this despotic step of the
dissatisfied nobles, but it was destined only to be the occasion for a closer
treaty between Maximilian and Wladislaw. The former, moving steadily
towards his goal, betrothed his grandson Ferdinand to Wladislaw's daughter
Anna, and when a short time afterwards a son, Lewis, was bom to the
King in the year 1506, he laid still more extended plans, which were only
realised in 15 15 through the marriage, negotiated by Matthew Lang,
between Lewis and Maria, the Emperor's grand-daughter. Maximilian had
thus from two sides insured the succession in Hungary to the Hapsburgs,
and the Hungarians, who were in favour of independence, looked with
indignation and anxiety towards the future.
On Wladislaw's death, which followed in 15 16, the government was
conducted in Lewis's name by a Council of Regency, which in 1521 led the
war — that continued uninterrupted for years — against Soliman II. At
that time Belgrade had been taken by the Sultan, and three years later a
similar fate pressed close upon the City of Jaitza. In order to thwart
this terrible danger, it was decided to muster an army in haste, for the
relief of the city, which was defended by Peter Keglevich and Blasius
Csery, and to place at its head Count Christoph Frangipani, who more
than any other man appeared fitted for this onerous task. A twelve-
month earlier, Frangipani had been obliged in an open appeal to the
Pope — which, as Oratio ad Adrianum Sextum Pont Max, was probably
printed in the year 1523, and became known to me through a copy in
the British Museum — to defend his father from the accusation of being
secretly in league with the Turks ; and he added, after extolling the
antiquity and the merits of his race, that since their right to Segna was
wilfully usurped by King Matthias they had been compelled to assert it by
force, and concluded by begging the Pope for pecuniary support against the
arch-enemy of Christendom. He now seized with joy the long-hoped-for
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opportunity to return to the scene of decisive action, and to lay his hand
upon the fortunes of Hungary. Accompanied by Francis Batthyäny and
John Carlowitsch, the Bans of Croatia, he led sixteen thousand troops
before Jaitza, and rescued the fortress through a victory over the Turks.
Hailed as the deliverer of Hungary, he received, in token of the gratitude of
King Lewis, the title of Protector of Croatia and Dalmatia.
But these tokens of respect appeared far too small to the man who
was thirsting for honour and power. He demanded the vacant Priorate of
Vräna for himself. When this was denied him and was bestowed upon
John Tahy, and Tahy was soon afterwards appointed a Ban of Croatia,
in wounded pride and defeated ambition he renounced his fealty to the
ungrateful King and espoused the cause of John Zapolya, henceforth
continuing to be his most powerful supporter.
But from the beginning it was not national political ideals, but purely
personal interests, which determined the decisions and actions of the
Frangipanis, and Christoph remained true to the traditions of his race.
When the Imperial Diet was opened on the Rdkos on the I2th of May
1525, among the motions which led to the most passionate debate was
that which proposed the bestowal on Frangipani of the Banate and
Priorate which he demanded. Lewis's indecision upon this, as on all other
occasions, compelled the assembled nobles to dissolve the Diet ; a proceed-
ing which threw the Court and Council of State into the greatest con-
fusion. "While some laid down the strictest rules," — relates Ignatius
Aurelius Fessler in his History of Hungary^ — "others would have it
that they should yield. On this the Archbishop Szalkay and Christoph
Frangipani gave counsel in such a hot exchange of words that the
Archbishop seized the Count by the beard, who thereupon smote the
Imperial Primate in the face with his clenched fist. The King now
interfered, ordered peace, and, at the entreaty of Clerus, caused the Count
to be placed in ward in the low round tower of the fortress." After
three days Frangipani received his freedom again, led the royal troops to
Croatia, and carried supplies to Jaitza, which was then overrun by the
Turks: a daring act, which Christoph reported to his "most beloved
Friend" in Venice, Zuan Antonio Dandolo, in a letter which was
copied by Sanuto : " After which he shortly entered the service of the
Archduke Ferdinand."
From the unbridled passion of this Croatian nobleman the worst was
to be feared — as the King and his Councillors had already learned to
perceive. They therefore utilised the negotiations with Zapolya's party,
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which took place on the sth of July of this year at Hatvan, to gratify
Christoph's desires, and bestowed upon him the Priorate and the Banate.
But with the increasing strife between parties whose varying supremacy led
to changes of possession in all ofEces, Frangipani could have no enduring,
peaceful tenure of the posts which were promised him, and his resent-
ment arose afresh against the ruling Government
In the spring of 1526 he decided to join Ferdinand. In the Diarii
Udinesi of Leonardo and Gregorio Amaseo it is related how, while on
his way to the Hapsburger, he was detained for some days in Venetian
territory, but was afterwards released, Gregorio reports: "The Count
was brought hither to Udine by Lord Cesare de la Volpe, a brother of
the Governor Lord Taddeo, and was taken to his house in Puscollo. I,
Gregorio, being bidden of the Governor, supped on the same evening with
him and the said Count Christoph, and we diverted ourselves mightily
concerning many things ; among others over Martin Luther, who, as the
Count related, had wedded an Abbess of high degree in Saxony, who
had brought the aforesaid Luther a dowry of three thousand ducats, and
was the Abbess of a very rich nunnery ; and I learned to recognise in the
Count a most worthy personality.*'
Christoph appears to have relinquished his journey to Ferdinand, but
King Lewis was destined to experience his resentment at the most ill-
starred moment. In the year 1526 the Turks fell with terrific force upon
Hungary. Count Nicholas Salm, who was appointed Commander in
Chief of the army which should be sent against them, excused himself on
the plea of his age, and the man who was capable of succeeding him,
Count Christoph Frangipani, held back, through yielding to feelings of
personal resentment, and caused the general good to suffer. In this dire
necessity the leading of the campaign was entrusted to Tamory. The
Turks were already come from Belgrade to Peterwardein, and they took it
on the 15th of July. The King himself went to Tolna, and there first
decided to call upon John Zapolya. At the same time the command was
sent to Christoph to come with all speed to his aid. Christoph, and with
him George Zapolya, the brother of John, and Paul Tamory were appointed
the chief Commanders. While the two latter prepared to join the King,
the former pitched his camp near the enemy's army in Mohäcs. The
messengers sent by Frangipani and Zapolya arrived too late with their
warning, and the entreaty that the others should upon no consideration
engage in a battle before their arrival was disregarded by Tamory, who,
without considering the lack of discipline among his troops and the over-
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whelming danger, threw himself upon the Turks in the most foolhardy
manner. It was owing to him that the 29th of August became one of the
most unfortunate days in all Hungarian history. In this bloody combat
the Hungarians suffered a terrible and total defeat, and King Lewis
himself — with countless nobles of his realm — was slain. Sultan Soliman
could now continue his triumphal march unhindered to Ofen.
Had Tamory but waited for a few days longer, Count Christoph, who
had already reached A gram on the day of the battle, would have joined him,
and the worst might possibly have been averted. Perhaps ; for it may also
appear questionable whether Frangipani, who had wholly different plans of
his own, did not intend to delay his advance until, instead of warding off
the misfortune, he could best make it serve his own ends. In the general
confusion he saw that the moment had come in which to prove his own
personal superiority : he was the only man who understood how to prevent
Soliman from reaping the results of his victory : through a rapid march
to Stuhlweissenburg he was chiefly instrumental in forcing the Turks to
retreat By such energetic measures, and through the peaceful suppression
of a peasant uprising in Slavonia, he so increased the respect which he
enjoyed in this neighbourhood, that the Slavonian nobles elected him as
the Regent and Defender of their country and Hungarian Count Palatine
of Szala, Siimeg, and Baranya. From this position, supported by con-
siderable influence, he watched the conflict which after the death of
King Lewis had broken out between the two candidates for the crown :
Ferdinand I. and Zapolya. Of his own secret plans there can be no
doubt : his burning ambition, which was fed by his adherents, aspired to
the kingly crown of Hungary for himself.
Inspired by these thoughts, he considered it wisest that he should follow
closely the development of affairs without the support of a party, until
it appeared to him that the favourable moment for his own interference
had come. Zapolya, who had already been chosen King on the 14th of
October, at a gathering of nobles in Tokay, was fully persuaded that he
could bring Ferdinand's intentions to naught by a marriage with the
widowed Queen. But when Maria, who was faithful to her brother,
rejected his suit, he decided to win the crown without delay, and took
possession of Stuhlweissenburg and Gran. On the 8th of November he
opened the Imperial Diet in the former city, and caused himself to be
elected King by it on the loth of June. Again the only man who appeared
able to check Zapolya successfully was Christoph Frangipani. To him
the Queen turned, read the manifesto against the usurper, and imploringly
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urged that he should join her brother in Haimburg. After some hesitation
the Count decided to accept the proffered undertaking, and betook himself
to Pressburg, where he counselled Ferdinand to summon an Imperial Diet
to Komom, and — upon the same day on which Zapolya was proclaimed
King — announced the conditions on which his aid would be granted. He
demanded the position of Commander in Chief, with security that full
compensation would be given him for his possessions, in case any of these
should be lost, and the appointment of the Bishop of Agram, Simon
Erdödy, to the Archbishopric of Gran. Ferdinand, who justly saw
danger in granting so much power to the bold and reckless Croatian,
refused the immediate acceptance of these demands, which the latter
required. In transports of rage, Christoph departed from Pressburg and
went with Erdödy to Stuhlweissenburg, where he openly joined the cause
of Zapolya, who made him Commander in Chief, promised him the
Croatian Estates once possessed by John Corvin, together with the Priory
of Amanien, and assigned him two thousand gulden. Cleverer than
Ferdinand, he knew how to bind the Count in his service, although he
trusted the intentions of the latter just as little as did the Hapsburger, and,
warned by secret misgivings, did not follow Christoph's suggestion that
Ferdinand should be attacked without delay. He was indeed convinced,
through long experience, that his new confederate had only his own objects
in view, and that with them he cherished a secret hatred towards the
Hungarians which was clearly expressed in a letter addressed by
Christoph to the Bishop of Segna, after the battle of Mohacs, in the
following words: "This blow was, in truth, a salutary one, for had the
Hungarians triumphed over the Sultan, who would have been able to live
under them, or who could have tarried among them, and what barrier
could have arrested their ambition?"
Still Queen Maria did not abandon the attempt to win Christoph
Frangipani. She sent the Count a letter inviting his presence at the
Imperial Diet she had summoned, in which Ferdinand's election should be
confirmed. She wrote in the Latin language, as follows : —
" 2ird November 1 5 26.
"Worthy and Noble Lord, etc., etc., — The Imperial Diet which We,
together with the Lord Palatine, and according to the ancient usage of the
Realm have summoned by proclamation to Komom, lieth before Us, but as,
because of many hindrances, it cannot be held in the appointed place. We
exhort you on the sixth and seventh days of the approaching feast of
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the Holy Virgin Catharine to come unto Posonyi, there to confer with
Us and the Lords, Prelates, etc., over all needful concerns pertaining
to the restoration of freedom, the defence and ancient renown of the
Hungarian nation, and the reconquest, in the present time, of the strong-
holds captured by the Turks. We are assured that your Fatherland and
likewise public and private freedom are dear unto you, and that for this
reason you will take action concerning them. Given in Posonyi on the
Festival of the Blessed Pope Clement. In the year of the Lord 1526."
The following sentence is added in German : —
"P.S. — Count Christoph : It is Our desire, that in accordance with Our
agreement and your assent unto the same, you shall appear at this Rakuschi
through the which you will show not a little kindness towards Christendom
and this country. I will, with all good and gracious intent towards you
and yours, make this matter known unto my Brother."
"Maria the Queen."
But Christoph was not the man to be won by such indefinite promises.
The election of Ferdinand, which took place on the i6th of December, was
not confirmed by the Slavonian Diet which had been summoned by
Frangipani, and at which the Counts Palatine of Agram, Warasdin, and
Kreuz were represented. On the contrary, John Zapolya was proclaimed
King ; but Christoph was compelled to bind himself under oath to arrange
an agreement between the monarchs. In opposition to this, the Croatian
Diet had already on the ist of January announced its decision for
Ferdinand, in direct resistance to the Count. What enmity Christoph saw
arrayed against him in his native land is shown in a document sent by the
nobles to the Hapsburger, in which the following statement occurs : —
'' May it also please your Majesty to grant us aid against the menaces
of the Waiwoden (Prince) Count Christoph of Frangipani and his
followers: not because we are in any fear of the said Count, whom we
have the power to resist ... we pursue him only because of the ingrati-
tude which he hath openly shewn towards the most illustrious house of
Austria, notwithstanding the many benefits that he hath received from the
same."
While the two kings sought, without proceeding to open war, to
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strengthen their respective parties — Ferdinand through negotiations with
Sigmund of Poland, and Zapolya through entering into relations with the
Pope, France, and Venice — Frangipani and the Ban Francis Batthyäny,
in Steyermark, decided, at the end of January, to resort to arms instead of
political discussion. But through the complete inactivity in which Zapolya
waited, the expedition, which owing to the influence of Batthyäny was
opposed by the Queen, had but little result. The Imperial Diet, held on
the 17th of March, at which Christoph appeared, likewise brought the
conflict no nearer to a decision. The pressing danger from the Turks
deterred Ferdinand from asserting in open war the rights over Bohemia
and Hungary which had been conferred upon him by Karl V. John
Zapolya's irresolution appeared to his energetic supporters to be dangerous
in the extreme; and Christoph Frangipani had openly expressed this
opinion at a meeting, in the following words : " Since through the will of
God, O King, thy Majesty hath attained to the Royal dignity by the
voices of all who have sworn thee fidelity," — ^so John Zermegh reports the
text of this oration, — " it is my opinion that this dignity should forthwith
be recognised and heroically maintained. Thou hast a body of soldiers
that is by no means to be despised, and there is no doubt that
Ferdinand will, ex professo^ be thine enemy; I would therefore counsel
thee that thou shalt set up thy camp near Tata, and grant me leave to
choose not more than four thousand soldiers, with whom I may at once
fall upon Austria, and may ravage it with fire and sword on all sides.
I believe that we could in this way insure that thine adversary would
not find courage to harm thee, but would the rather sue thee, through
ambassadors, for peace." Thereupon the King answered : " I know well,
O Count, that this is the way to obtain princedoms, yea, and to win king-
doms and empires, and that thereby every sort of cruelty and malignity
must be practised; but I, as a Christian, neither can nor will rage so
terribly against those whose religion is the same as my own, nor stain my
hands with Christian blood : the God who hath exalted me to this height
is able, should it be His will, to preserve me upon it without cruelty ; but
should this not come to pass, then may that be accomplished which best
pleaseth the Divine Majesty." " And so the meeting was dissolved, not
without indignation on the part of the Count, who was a passionate man
with an eager desire for war."
"It was a fatal mistake," cries out IstiianfTy, the old historian of
Hungary: "had King John followed Christoph's counsel, it would have
been far better for him." Truly the Christian faith of a Frangipani was a
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different thing from that of a Zapolya! Months again passed by: an
effort made by Sigmund of Poland to arrange a covenant between the
rivals did not lead to a union. Zapolya had sought a confederate in a
Servian named Jovdn the Black, who was honoured as a prophet and
leader by his fellow-countrymen, but he soon discovered him to be a new
opponent, owing to the latter's having been won by large promises from
Ferdinand. This compelled Zapolya to conclude a treaty with Francis I.
and Venice. The " black man " sustained a defeat, and Ferdinand hastened
to send orders to Hobordansky, his agent in Servia, which should prevent
the defection of Jovdn. "On the 9th of July 1527 he made known to
Hobordansky that messengers of the King of France and of Count
Christoph Frangipani were about to go to * Chaan Nanada.* He must
therefore take care that these, with their attendants, should be seized and
delivered up, or, if that was not possible, that they should be made away
with, cut down, or put to death in some other fashion."
In such a secret, contemptible manner did Ferdinand strive to rid him-
self of his dreaded opponent. His way would be smoothed by the death
of Count Christoph, and by an army sent at the same time against
Zapolya's armed Commander, John Katzianer. If only Christoph were
no longer there, victory could be hoped for, even counted upon. But the
assassination thus planned was — we know not for what reason — unsuccess-
ful, and Ferdinand had to prepare for severe combats. In the middle of
July war was openly declared, and the command of the army sent against
Zapolya was given to the Margrave Casimir of Brandenburg. Zapolya's
despondency led to unexpected results. As early as the 20th of August
Ferdinand was able to enter Ofen. Francis Batthyäny went over to his
side, while the flying Zapolya was deserted by many of his own adherents.
Nicholas Salm, the successor of the deceased Margrave Casimir, pursued
him and won a decisive victory near Tokay on the 26th of September.
On that self-same day the fate of Count Christoph was likewise sealed !
The Ban Batthyäny, who had newly espoused the cause of the
Hapsburger, was given command of the army sent against Frangipani.
He was joined by various magnates who had long been jealous of the
growing power of the Count: Ban John Count of Korbarien, Peter
Keglewich, Zriny, and Blagay. On Christoph's side were Tahy and Bishop
Brodarics. Batthyäny had set up his camp in the neighbourhood of
Warasdin, from whence, on the approach of the enemy, he withdrew to
Ormos. Count Christoph moved before Warasdin — which, on being given
over by Ferdinand to the Count Palatine Bäthory, was defended by his
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Captain Kecsk^s — and began the siege. Did a sign of ill-omen greet him
here as formerly before Osopo? His hour was come. An eye-witness,
John Zermegh, has, in his Latin Chronicle, recorded for us the final
incidents and the close of this very eventful life.
'* When we were come unto Slavonia, we found in the city of S. Georgen
— which, lying near unto the River Drave, belongeth to the honourable Lord
John Ernest, sumamed Hampon— the Count Christoph of Frangipani, who
gathered troops from among the nobles, as well as from the peasantry
against the German party. He was followed by sundry magnates who
were faithful to the cause of King John, among whom were John Bdnffy,
John Tahy, Peter Mark of Ker^kszälläs, and a great number of distinguished
noblemen. While he gathered the army together, I betook myself unto
my own home, which I had not seen for some years. The Count, who had
assembled the country-people to the number of about ten thousand, and
likewise had command over three thousand horsemen, began the war upon
those in rebellion against his King John, by seizing upon Lewis Pekry, who
had offended him. He then conquered and destroyed the castles of the
latter at Precrecz, Custeriocz, Szentlöiek, and Rascinia. While the Count
was thus employed, Ferdinand's party also gathered together under their
Commander and Francis Batthyäny, with whom were many Lords and
nobles of the kingdoms of Croatia and Slavonia, such as John Carlovich,
Peter Keglevich, Zriny, Zluvy, Blagay, and other chief nobles, who drew
near for the contest. He had likewise assembled about him a goodly
company of German auxiliaries from Steyermark and Carinthia. The
Count, upon hearing that the enemy were arming, did not delay, but went
against them with the eager desire to bring all things to a decision as
speedily as was possible through a battle. He had set up his camp near
Crisium. I also, being young and curious, went thither to see what would
happen, and continued, until the end of the war, in the camp with Michael
Tomadöczy, whose daughter, in accordance with my mother's desire, was
betrothed to me while I was still a lad. Breaking away thence, we came
into the neighbourhood of Ludbregh, and the camp was then pitched
beside the Drave. Messengers now approached with the tidings that the
Grerman party would decide its fate by a combat Rejoicing at these
tidings, the Count, as was his wont, arose betimes in the morning, led the
troops forth, set the phalanx of foot soldiers in battle-array, and gave
orders to such of the ranks as were there ; that boys, weak horses, luggage,
and other encumbrances, should be placed behind the army ; among which
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company I also found myself. A banner was likewise g^ven us, and a
leader and inspector were appointed who should direct and command the
camp-followers. The Count himself rode about among the troops and
encouraged the soldiers, telling them that he would restore all the customs
of the former army, or whatsoever he had himself appointed, and would
bring everything into the old order. He then turned to our company and
cried out with a loud voice : * Ye youths and boys, be of good courage,
and learn now how ye must withstand the enemy. Be not affrighted at
the sound of the bomb-shells or the noise of the drumming. These are
all tokens of a soldier's joy — not those of terror. Whosoever among you
hath a sword, let him draw it from its scabbard ; for the flash of that
dazzling weapon is terrible to the foe.*
" Having said this, he turned and departed to another side. While we
went forward, as we had been instructed, the messengers who had been
sent out to discover where the enemy lay in wait for us came back with
the report that they could nowhere find the opposing army. The enemy
had indeed no sooner learned that the Count was approaching, prepared
for battle, than they feared to encounter him hand to hand, so retreated
stealthily and withdrew over the Drave, by the bridge below Ormosd, the
stronghold of Lucas Z^kel. At these tidings the Count led his army
against Zamlachia, which belongeth to Francis Batthydny, and there he set
up his camp. On the following day, about the meal-hour, there appeared
before the Count messengers from the City of Warasdin, who offered a
complete surrender and presented him with the keys of the city gates : the
fortress alone, which was commanded by Paul Kecszk^s, an officer of the
Palatine, refused to yield.
" On the following day, a Tuesday, the army was led against Warasdin
for the conquest pf the fortress. On this day, and likewise on the following
one, after the camp had been pitched, it was debated in the Council,
whether the siege of the fortress should be begun, or the Drave should be
crossed and the country entered where the people had besought the Count
with fervent entreaties to come unto them: they were ready, under his
leadership, to undergo all dangers for their King who had been driven
from his possessions. As I learned from my father-in-law, who was present
at the Council, it was judged best that the Count, who had hitherto led
all his undertakings to a good end, should not leave this fortress in the
hands of the enemy, but should send an address to the neighbouring country,
urging the people to keep up their courage, because, as soon as the fortress
should be conquered, which it was hoped would come to pass in a very
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short time, he would go to them and fulfil that which God and Fate should
grant him power to do. When this decision had been reached and the
Council was dissolved, the Count began to consider and to set in order
whatsoever would be needed for the conquest of the fortress: wagons
were brought hither, baskets filled with earth were prepared, machines
were made ready, and foot soldiers stationed in the trenches to guard
them ; all of which was done in his presence and under his own eye.
"About the vesper-hour, as John BdnfTy with John Tahy and my
father-in-law were diverting themselves with a game of cards, and we
youths were standing by, two bombs, of the kind named 'barbatae,'
exploded, and they were followed a little later by a third hand-bomb.
Soon after this, one of the Count's pages ran past us, crying out that his
lord had been struck by a bomb-shell. Terrified and in great distress, all
cast their cards aside and hastened out of the tent — ^we following them«
"And behold 1 there was the Count coming towards us, seated upon
his horse, and as if he were wholly uninjured I John Tahy then ran up
to him and asked him how he fared — ^whereupon he replied, 'As God
hath ordained ' ; and with this he alighted from his horse, warding John
BdnfTy off, who would have helped him ; and although the wound was
deadly, he walked without any aid at all into his tent At the same time
surgeons were brought, that they should see the wound, and if possible,
through some remedy, bring help to the injured man. Howbeit, when
these had examined the place — and the Count himself felt that his last
hour had come, for the wound was just below the liver and he was greatly
torn — they gave up all hope of his recovery. The Lords and nobles in
the camp were therefore summoned together, and the Count exhorted
them openly not to turn aside from that which was begun, but that after
the ending of the siege — which he implored them to continue — they
should cross the Drave, join the Hungarians, and prove their loyalty to
the banished King by their deeds. He likewise said: that the King
himself, when he knew of their willingness, would return with his followers
and give his adversary something wherewith to employ himself. To John
Tahy he entrusted the post of Commander in Chief in the war, because
the same had grown up on the border of Turkey and had both seen and
heard of many glorious deeds. All then promised to do as he had
commanded ; but it happened far otherwise. In the self-same night
following, not one of the foot soldiers remained in the camp. I also led
sundry of my country-people, who were in the camp, over pathless heights
and mountains back to my own home. I heard later that the whole army
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had fallen to pieces, and had left the Count, who was still living, alone
with but one thousand of his horsemen.
"These said horsemen carried their lord, who was now nigh unto
death, to the Castle of Martinanzo, and here the worthy man closed his
life. From thence his people brought his body, which was borne upon
a litter, to Capronza. On the way thither it was seized by the German
party, who had followed it on hearing of his death. It is related that
Lewis Pekry, whose castles Frang^pani had conquered, in particular raged
with many insults against the deceased, till John Carlovich, a kinsman of
the Count, fell upon him with strong words and so forced him to keep
silence. The remains were then brought peacefully to Capronza. To this
place the consort, or rather the betrothed, of the Count was summoned
— Catherina Drägffy, the widow of Ladislaus Canisay — and all needful
preparations were made for the obsequies : and so the Count, followed by
his betrothed, was carried by the funeral procession to Modrusa, and was
honourably buried in the vault of his ancestors. After his death all those
who had belonged to the party of King John in Croatia, in Slavonia, and
in Hungary, lost courage and abandoned his cause."
On the 3rd of October intelligence of Christoph's death reached the
ears of Queen Maria, who two days later announced the fact to her
brother Ferdinand in the following words, in French: —
" Yesterday and the day before tidings were brought me that Count
Christoph hath been slain by a bomb before the Castle of Warasdin,
and that all his people are scattered. There is, however, always so
much circulated about in reports that are lacking in truth, that I fear me
there is naught in the present one. At the same time I do pray unto
Grod, that should this not be the case, it may yet come to pass, for
it appeareth unto me far better that he should meet his end, than that
because of him so much Christian blood should be wasted and shed. I
doubt not that you, should the report continue, will within a short space
be informed of the same, should the tidings prove to be true. It is good
that this plainly sheweth how our Lord helpeth you, as having the just
cause."
The long struggle had come to an end: Zapolya's cause was lost.
On the 3rd of November Ferdinand was publicly crowned in Ofen.
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" As It pleaseth God " — with these words Count Christoph Frangipani
had greeted death. " My hope is set truly in God " had been the chosen
watchword of his life. What God then was it before Whom this
Condottiere bent the knee, in Whose aid he trusted, unto Whom he could
draw near?
Face to face with the incomprehensible, it is well to keep silence. The
boundless egotism, which in the struggle for supremacy raged recklessly
from perfidy to violence, from violence to perfidy, heaping outrage upon
outrage ; the unbridled caprice which knew no repentance, speaks of God,
of faith, of hope in an Eternal Power, of love and of righteousness !
Who would dare to essay the solution of this enigma ?
Possessed by the demon of his race, but excelling his ancestors in
unruly power. Count Christoph Frangipani had wasted his life. Mis-
fortune attended him in all his undertakings: whatsoever he attempted
miscarried ; his manifold experiences taught him absolutely nothing. An
angel of light withstood the influences of darkness — but the highest power
of love was itself crippled by the fate which inexorably followed this life.
The parting breath had scarcely fled from him who had stretched out
his hand towards a kingly crown, than his body was subjected to wanton
indignities. Violence for violence, hate for hate! Deserted by all his
kindred — lonely in the grave. Ah no — there was a woman who accom-
panied him thither.
Did he in those last stormy days again receive and return love, or
was his betrothal to Catharina Drägffy only a means towards the further-
ance of his own ambitious ends? We would willingly believe that the
woman, who alone remained praying in the church in Modrusa after the
mortal part of Christoph had found rest in the family vault at Apollonia's
side, wept heartfelt tears at his fate. Only as a shadow — ^scarcely seen
before it vanishes — does this figure appear to us : it can tell us nothing more.
But ApoUonia's love still works blessings even in this our day!
She alone it is who throws a ray of transfiguring brightness over the
memory of Christoph Frangipani. However dark may be the colours
with which the history of his deeds has portrayed him — we cherish the
presentiment that in the hidden depths of his being lay a nobler self,
in which " love had a part."
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The Close.
In Ober-Vellach.
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"Now guard thou the power of this ring
A» the sacred pledge of my troth."
The Twilight of the Gods.
f T the entrance to the Moll Valley in Carinthia, where it widens
out into the valley of the Puster, a wondrously lovely view
greeted my still drowsy eyes when, after a night journey, I
alighted at Sachsenburg on a September morning in the year
1894. Over the green meadow land, with both ends resting on
the darkly wooded mountains, hung a rainbow with softly chang-
ing colours. A rolling pale green mist veiled the bed of the river
behind it, but far above the vapour, up in the blue depths, free from all
things of earth, the distant rocky summits glowed in the morning sunlight.
There, below the arch of the ethereal bridge, my way led me to the
mountains. Near the southern flank of the Tauem, on the north side of
which lies Gastein, on a road built in Roman times along the Moll River,
and much used as a commercial highway during the Middle Ages, is a
1 ittle market-town named Ober-Vellach. After spending several sunny days
— whose brightness filled my spirit— in a hut on the Tennen Mountains,
this, the goal of a journey to which I had long looked forward, now drew
near. Ober-Vellach — what mysterious power was it that led me thither?
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The Holy ApoUonia.
After a Drawing by Albert Dürer in the Prayer-Book of the Emperor Maximilian I.
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The history which Frangipani's ring had revealed to me had long since
drawn to a close. The visions of phantasy, arising from the twilight of the
dream-world, which had enthralled me on the day when I won the jewel,
had changed into forms of reality which revealed to me their being and
their fate — a thin veil was now all that remained to hide the features of their
countenances from me. The representation in the Breviary was little more
than a suggestion. Have no actual portraits of Christoph and Apollonia
then been preserved for us ? This inquiry first suggested itself to me as
I read Sanuto's general description of them both, and since then it had not
ceased to recur to my mind. A suggestion appeared to lie in Frangipani's
vow to the " Madonna of Chioggia," for the ifulfilment of which he begged
permission to make a passing sojourn in Venice in December 15 19. It
certainly appeared to me credible, even probable, that this might relate
to the gift of an altar piece, upon which the portrait of the donor would,
in all probability, be found. However, no hope of being able to verify
this clue urged me thither.
At this point an unexpected fulfilment of my desire was incident-
ally granted through an inquiry addressed to Dr. Simon Laschitzer,
Director of the Archives in Klagenfurt, in relation to the family papers of
the Langs. The answer which I received referred me to a recent appendix
to the second volume of Neue Carinthia^ published in 1890, which,
through the courtesy of the author, Herr A. von Jaksch, was placed at my
disposal. This appendix treated of the altar piece which had been the
subject of so much discussion in the preceding decade ; an altar piece painted
by Jan Schorel — one of the most gifted Dutch artists, who flourished in
the first quarter of the sixteenth century — which is now preserved in
the parish church of Ober-Vellach in the Moll Valley. The comment
which this picture excited on its restoration in Vienna in 1881, was fully
justified, as it presented to art-lovers for the first time the earlier style of
a Master who began by adhering to strictly national traditions, but had
hitherto been known only through his later creations as one of the most
influential exponents of the Italian method, which had then newly been
brought to the Netherlands. The statements of the old Art-biographer
Karel van Mander, who gives accounts of Schorel's apprenticeship to the
Amsterdam painter Jacob Cornelisz, and his later wanderings which led
him by Strassburg and Basel to Nuremberg and Albert Dürer, and then
still further to Steyermark and Carinthia — were thus confirmed. All that
now remained unknown was the name of the donor of the altar piece in
Ober-Vellach ; for the certainty that one of the escutcheons on the back of
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the centre panel was that of the Langs of Wellenburg, gave scope to a
variety of conjectures, especially as van Mander's narrative yielded no
definite information on this point What the latter did relate, however, is
striking enough to be recorded.
Van Mander says, that while in Carinthia Schorel " worked for many
lords, was highly honoured and dwelt with a Baron, a great admirer of
pictures, who not only bestowed upon him the best sustenance and wages,
but would have given him his only daughter to wife, which would have
been no mean fortune for him, had not God so painted the features of
an Amsterdam maiden (the daughter of his teacher Cornelisz) upon his
heart, that he unceasingly felt her enchantment, and would give heed to
naught else but to perfect himself in his calling, in order to reach the
goal of his desires, by the which zeal he made great progress, for it
would appear that love is the inspirer of the arts."
All conjecture as to who were the donors of the altar piece has now
been ended by Herr von Jaksch. On the strength of a renewed examina-
tion of the armorial bearings, he has definitely stated in the aforementioned
appendix, that Schorel executed his painting for Christoph and Apollonia
Frangipani — and that the saints portrayed upon the side panels, which
had already been recognised as portraits of the donors, bear the features
of the Count and his wife.
The morning sunbeams which I greeted as Apollonia's messengers
gfrow pale and vanish ; deeper and deeper the heavy rain-clouds sink down
into the valley — almost into my little vehicle. Only the pines on the
lowest spurs of the mountains remain visible ; the rushing of the Moll,
beside which the pathway leads upward, sounds through the impenetrable
mist ; like dissolving cloud-figures I perceive the light-coloured houses of
the peaceful inhabitants. Floods of rain now descend from the heavens,
rapidly swelling brooklets cut their channels through the rubble on the
slowly ascending path. Thus, with an unknown goal before me, I had,
conjecturing and searching, sought the way through the mists of time to
what had been gone and forgotten for centuries. Will light and success
again be vouchsafed me to-day ?
A wooded mountain rises up from the valley and appears to obstruct
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the way; for a single instant a small white church is visible upon its
summit, which is then immediately enwrapped in clouds. It is a pilgrim's
shrine, dedicated to the Holy Daniel, so my driver informs me. The
roadway curves here, and, leaving the middle of the valley, approaches
the slope of the mountain. The rain now begins to slacken ; in the
immediate neighbourhood it is light. I can see the brown, foaming surge
of the river which dashes past me. We journey farther and farther. A
bright beam darts through the flying rack and lights an age-grey tower
upon a pine-clad hill, and beyond it are mouldering walls, against which a
little chapel leans : it is the Castle of Falkenstein.
Falkenstein ! Apollonia I Hither did she come when, leaving the
Emperor's court, she followed her first husband ; here a peaceful future
appeared to await her life, till, bereft of her consort, Fate drove her out
into fervid love and mortal anguish in a new world.
The white clouds which have been torn upon the branches of the dark
trees below, float, with wave-like undulations, about the desolate grey
masonry, and, drawing themselves like scarves through narrow gorges
up to the bare rocky heights, unite with the mass overhead. Now the
tower remains free, and below the vapours, which lift themselves higher
and higher, the whole valley of the Moll widens out. before our view.
There, where it ends at the foot of a mountain wall with twin summits,
gleams a cluster of houses, overhung by a church tower: that is
Ober-Vellach !
The carriage halts before the Post Inn, and I hasten towards the church.
Passing through the decorated portal, which bears the date of 1 509, — was
the rebuilding of the church possibly her pious work? — I pause for a
moment on entering it to conquer the feverish unrest within me. It is a
cheerful, wide edifice with high windows screened by reticulated Gothic
arches, with a pentagonal choir and slightly projecting transepts. Before
an altar on the right kneels a very aged woman absorbed in prayer ; not a
sound is to be heard except that of the raindrops which plash from time to
time against the window-panes. There in the left transept, over a large,
quaint altar, gleams Schorel's painting in its wealth of vivid colouring.
With beating heart and noiseless tread, lest Time should be awakened
from its slumber, I approach it — Apollonia !
9
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There she stands — in a green landscape on the mountain slope before
a lake — a small, slight figure ; in her left hand a book, and in her right the
emblem of martyrdom. Her head — whose brow is encircled by luminous
purity — is slightly inclined, her glance is cast downward in mournful
reflection, a delicate expression of suffering plays about the mouth. A
pale violet cap embroidered with gold and pearls, whose veil-like ends float
in the breeze, frames the finely shaped features of the rounded head ; a
strand of rippling blonde hair, drawn through an opening in the cap, falls
down upon the shoulder. On the edge of the dark green bodice, which is
decorated with golden needlework and is open at the neck, so that the
white shift with its delicate border is seen, can be read in the embroidery
the words: "Jesus, Maria." A moss-green under garment, a gold-
brocaded upper garment of rich design, and a red mantle drape the limbs ;
from the arms fall long wide sleeves of pale blue changing to violet. So
rich is the attire and so humble and modest the mien. A dreamy lack
of self-consciousness, delicate self-renunciation, childish innocence» long-
suffering meekness. My pent-up emotion here has its way, relieving the
spirit. Yes, I had long since thus pictured her to myself; thus did she
live in my consciousness since the moment when Sanuto related to me how
she appeared before the Doge in Venice, " donna degna et assai riverente,
assai belizuola, picola et magra." Beloved, most gracious woman 1
And he for whom she laid down her life ? There on the farthest panel
of the triptych, he advances through the water, the Christ-child upon his
shoulder, leaning upon his staff ; a tall, powerful figure in a short, girded
red tunic and floating grey mantle. With an inspired expression and half-
opened mouth the broad, strongly built, fair-bearded head surrounded by
a heavy mass of thickly curling hair, gazes up at the Redeemer. In
his glance is plainly written — " My hope is set truly in God." He — a
saint, a bearer of God ? It is diflicult to reconcile one's feelings with such
a representation — ^a saint ? — that he is not — but still verily an endurer.
Does he wear the ring upon his finger ? The painter in his conception
of the figure of the donor as the mediator between mortal prayer and
Heaven has omitted that token of earthly love.
My glance now gradually turns from the wings of the altar piece to the
centre panel enclosed between them, upon which is portrayed the Holy
Family — that is to say, the relatives of Christ In front of some country
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The Holy Family.
Centre Panel of the Triptych by Jan Schorel in Ober-Vellach,
(After a Woodcut in the Zeitschrift für bildende Kunst.)
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buildings, behind which rises a wooded hill crowned with a castle,
three women, six men, and. six children are gathered about the Virgin
Mary, who holds the little Christ -child in her arms — the women
and children being clad, according to the taste of the artist, in the
rich Dutch costumes of the period. On the left side are Alphaeus and
Mary the wife of Cleophas with her four children, James the Less,
Barnabas, Simon, and Jude ; to the right are Zebedee and Mary Salome,
with John the little Evangelist, who blesses the cup, and James the Elder
in pilgrim's garb. In the third pair Anna and Joachim may be recognised,
and in the elderly man bearing a lily in his hand, Joseph. To the two
men — an elder and a younger — who are seen in the background, no names
can be assigned. Doubtless in all these figures portraits of distinct
personalities are given ; three of the men show unmistakable family
resemblances, and the same are likewise perceptible in the women. Who
then are these persons who evidently belong to one and the self-same
family? Their attire indicates a raee of distinguished patricians — ^what
other could it then be than that of the Langs of Wellenburg ?
If this is indeed the case, in which figure are we to recognise
Matthew the Cardinal, whom we have every reason to seek here before
all others ?
In the year in which this picture was begun, in 1520, the faithful
Councillor of Maximilian — after having contributed not a little through his
influence to the election of Karl V. — had entered upon the Archbishopric
of Salzburg, but must shortly afterwards have left his residence there in
order to meet the new Emperor in Louvain and to be present at his
coronation in Aix-la-Chapelle. It was possibly here that Albert Dürer
executed the drawing now to be found in the Albertina in Vienna which,
on the strength of its resemblance to the medallions of the Cardinal, has
rightly become known as his portrait.
The lineaments are imprinted on my memory ; I seek in vain to discover
them in one of the two elder heads on the painting. It is, however, certain
that the three types of middle-aged men show a distinct general resemblance
to his portrait, so that the conjecture as to their being his brothers appears
to be well founded» I call to mind the family data gathered from the
Inventories and Acts of the Langs of Wellenburg, which I studied in the
private archives of Count Wolkenstein, in Trient.
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Weak and weary from resisting Protestantism, opposition to which had
been his chief task in the Imperial Diets and in his archdiocese of Salzburg
during the last two decades of his life, Cardinal Matthew, four years before
his death, made his will in 1536. In this document all the leading
members of the family are mentioned by name. Four of Apollonia's
brothers were still living at the time when the altar piece was executed ;
a fifth, Leonard, having fallen in the camp at Padua in 1509 : these brothers
were the famous Matthew, the goldsmith John, Luke, who was Governor
of Grumnitz in Carinthia, and Mark, the " Kunig's von Engeland Rather
im Dienst " (Councillor in the Service of the King of England). Three
sisters are mentioned : Regina, wedded to John von Haslpach ; Ottilia, the
wife of John Schad, Doctor and Knight ; and Felicitas, who was married
to a man named Rössler. When the fourth, Anna, wife of Hanns Häckzel
in Augsburg, died, does not appear, and she also is not referred to in the
testament.
In these three men and three women of the Holy Family we may
accordingly recognise the brothers and the sisters of Apollonia. It is
highly probable that the Veronica in the " Bearing of the Cross," which —
together with the " Flagellation of Christ " on the backs of the wings of
the triptych — is likewise the work of Schorel's hand, shows the features
of the fourth sister. Two figures must remain unrecognised, the representa-
tives of an elder generation ; but the young man wearing a hat, who looks
out towards the side, is clearly the painter, Jan Schorel, who in the inscrip-
tion below upon a stone calls himself: '' hollandinus (sic) pictorie artis
amator " (a Hollander and lover of pictorial art).
Whose portrait is, however, given in the charming, graceful figure of
the Virgin Mary, oh whose account the kinsfolk are gathered together?
In the luxuriant wealth of fair hair, in the delicate features, does she not
resemble Apollonia? Does she not appear like a vision of her second,
transfigured, youthful self?
Perhaps a grain of truth may lie in Karel van Mander's narrative : in
close proximity to the bright vision the artist has placed himself. Is that
Apollonia's Castle in which Jan Schorel was so hospitably received ? Is
there not an echo of genuine experience in the story of a love which
would threaten the remembrance of his master's little daughter in far-off
Amsterdam ?
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When Schorel, on returning from his journey to Palestine, painted
these pictures in the year 1520, Apollonia was no longer with the living.
It would be difficult to explain how he was able to create such a striking
portrait of her, unless he used studies made in Carinthia at an earlier period.
Four small painted window-panes strike my eye during a general inspection
of the church. They contain the figures of a donor's family, with two
escutcheons, one of which bears a lamb and the other a mussel-shell, and
above are Saint Martin and Saint Christopher. The style of the painting
and of the Renaissance ornamentation leaves no doubt that they were
executed from drawings by Jan Schorel, and upon one of the panes is a
note with the inscription : " Gott mein her maria mein furbitterin erbarm
dich mein, 1515" (God my Lord, Mary my mediatrix, have mercy upon
me). In this year then the Dutch painter was in Ober-Vellach and pro-
bably made a portrait of Apollonia, which he afterwards, during a later
sojourn in Carinthia, in 1520, used for the representation upon the altar
panel That of Count Christoph, however, may have been drawn in 1520,
when the Count would almost certainly have visited Ober-Vellach on his
way to Augsburg.
Several hours have glided by. I leave the church and breathe deeply.
A cold evening wind rushes down from the mountains and dividing the
fog round about drives it onward before it. A boy shows me the way from
the village to the Castle of Falkenstein, a lonely tower with crumbling old
masonry, as I had already seen it from a distance — nothing more! A
shudder creeps over me, silent shadowy figures, whose fixed gaze rebukes
me, seem to gather around. Fear wings my steps down through the wood.
Only when I regain the open country does the gloomy train shrink back
into the darkness. In order to calm my excited phantasy, after a further
descent down the hill, I turn to the notes of Herr A. von Jaksch, which
I have carried with me.
For four thousand five hundred gulden, so it is stated in a document.
Emperor Maximilian mortgaged the Castle and County Court of Falken-
stein to the Count Julian Lodron and his wife. "How long the same
remained in Oberfalkenstein and the Custom House is unknown. Not
until 1522 did owners again appear in Falkenstein ; Andrew Ungnad and
his wife, Anna Maria — by birth a Lodron."
Anna Maria, by birth a Lodron ! Did not Apollonia write of a little
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daughter in her letters to Venice? In the year 1503 her wedding with
Count Julian took place in Innsbruck — were this a little daughter of the
first union, she could certainly have been married by 1522 — and do I not
remember finding in Trient, in the Inventory of Cardinal Matthew Lang,
a document relating to the marriage of Andrew Ungnad with Anna Maria
Lodron, which is mentioned as having been celebrated in 1521? And
further, there is that narrative of Karel van Mander, and the ethereal
figure of the Virgin Mother of God in Jan Schorel's picture, which looked
like a younger sister of ApoUonia I
In the midst of these thoughts, the last of which penetrate the darkness
surrounding the history of the altar piece in Ober-Vellach, I halt at the
Church of Stallhofen, at the foot of the Falkcnstein hill. An inscription
over the portal strikes my eye ; in Gothic lettering may be read : " Jesus
maria hilf uns hie vie dort aus aler not 1520" (Jesus, Mary, help us here
as there in our despair). The architecture of the church resembles that of
Ober-Vellach on a smaller scale. It was endowed in the same year in which
Schorel's picture was painted ; the remarkable coincidence of events makes
it clear that this picture was ordered, this church was built, by ApoUonia's
daughter, Anna Maria. Out of a loving heart, deeply sorrowing at the
loss of her mother, her prayer went up to heaven, the same prayer which,
as is shown by the opening words, " Jesus, Maria," on the border of the
bodice in the painting, Apollonia herself had taught her : " hilf uns hie wie
dort aus aler not"
The day was hastening towards its end, as I re-entered the church of
Ober-Vellach for the final parting from Apollonia. It was scarcely possible
for my inquiring gaze to distinguish the features from one another. Oh
for a single beam of light which shall again reveal them to me I There it
shines through the western window ! A golden ray from the setting sun
breaks through the clouds and illumines the form of the martyr.
" Myt Wyllen dyn eygen." I have remembered thee, Apollonia !
I have remembered thee and followed thee, Apollonia. Followed thee
when amid the gay throng of thy brothers and sisters thou didst pass the
blessed years of childhood ; followed thee when a king's friendship greeted
thy blooming maidenhood. I saw thee leave thy father's house and found
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Saints Christopher and Apollonia.
After the Paintings by Jan Schorel on the wings of the Altar piece in Ober-Vellach.
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135
thee again, admired and beloved, in the brilliant festivities of the Imperial
court. When thou hadst given thy hand in plighted troth to a nobleman,
I followed thee into the peaceful life of this sequestered valley. A child
was given thee, thy husband torn from thee by an all too early death ; I
rejoiced, I suffered with thee. I was in the train of a new wooer who drew
near from the wild life of war to lead thee to his Southern home, and I saw
how thou gavest thyself to him for life and for death ; how thou didst send
him a ring in token of thy faithfulness. When the tidings came that ring
and fortune were lost, Üiou didst hasten to care for the wounded and
despairing man, who when rescued from death fell into the power of the
enemy. Thy spirit was wasted through fervent longing ; the years passed
away, and he returned not again. Leaving child and home — thyself sick
unto death — thou didst enter his prison, and no power of earth sufficed
to part thee from him. During a long, dreary time, thou, although dying,
didst yield comfort and strength to thy beloved. Thou wouldst never
forsake him ; thou didst follow him to new captivity : then thy heart broke
— in a foreign land thou didst end thy life 1
The slowly departing sunbeam insensibly grows paler — the beloved
form sinks into darkness, as faded the "afflicted life" — a bright spring day
emerges from wild tempests : Anna Maria 1 Over the fair hair shimmers
a rainbow light : have the sufferings of the mother wrought blessings for
the daughter? Was this young life protected from unfriendly powers?
Did peace crown love for it ? A second ray of light gleams upon the ring
on my finger — then it suddenly vanishes, and all is swiftly enwrapped in
the night.
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Appendix
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^OT upon a capricious play of the phantasy, but upon strict verity rests
the narrative contained in the foregoing pages. As I myself experienced
it, so have I committed it to paper.
|^ö<ä Only a few isolated accounts, which I obtained later — such as, for
instance, the statements concerning the Lang Family found in the
Archives of Count Wolkenstein-Trostburg, and the data relating to the
Breviary— do not, historically considered, appear in the proper place,
namely at the close of the book, but have been utilised in the earlier chapters.
These do not, however, relate to discoveries which affect the occurrence itself, but
are merely detailed accounts of events which were already in a general way known
to me.
It only came subsequently to my knowledge, that several of Sanuto's chief data
concerning Christoph's imprisonment had already (in 185 1) been given to the world
in a treatise of Gustav Wenzel, which is written in the Hungarian language.
In looking back upon the time when discoveries followed quickly upon one
another, and to that of the elaboration of this book, I recall with gratitude the
kind assistance which was rendered me, in particular, by Count Camillo Soranzo,
Messrs. Horatio Brown in Venice, Ludwig von Thalöczy in Vienna, Lionel Cust
in London, Professor Rudolf von Scala in Innsbruck, and Geheimer - Hofrath
Zangemeister in Heidelberg, and to the friendly aid accorded me by Baron
Friedrich von Puteani in Venice in his fine artistic drawing of the ring ; lastly for
the warm sympathy expressed in my work by the cultured women who unceasingly
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I40
watched over this remarkable experience and kept it living within me, causing the
present to appear as a charming dream-life in the magic light of the past
For that which on the completion of my task was presented to this book by a
beloved friend and master: the artistic decoration, I can but accept it, as one
accepts the gifts of Nature, in silent admiration, and with the joyous feeling, that
under the spell of the legend upon this my ring it could not possibly have been
otherwise.
HENRY THODE.
Villa Caignacco on the Lake of Garda.
Mary Day. September 8th, 1894.
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Documents.
A.
Abstracts Relating to the Discovery of the Ring.
Afier the originals in my own possession.
Prata i8 Marzo 1892.
II sottoscritto Meneghel Antonio fu Paolo residente in questo Comune dichiara
con la presente che al giomo 8 Gennajo com all' otto che lavorava nella campagna
e precisamente sopra un piccolo aigine che dista Met 52 dal fiume Meduna e Met.
30 dall' argine nuovo del fiume stesso, nella localitk ditta CasteUat ad una pro-
fonditk di circa due metri trovb un anello con delle ihiziali in greco che non pot^
rilevare. Dichiara ancora che quest* anello col mezzo del Barcaro Cereser Vincenzo
fu venduto in Venezia al Signore Enrico Dr. Thode, il quale mi prega di rilasciarli
la presente dichiarazione.
Men^hel Antonio
Luigi Vazzoler Testimonio
Brunetta Francesco Testimonio.
Si certifica autografa la firma di Meneghel Antonio, nonch^ quelle dei Te^i-
monio Vazzoler Luigi e Brunetta Francesco di contro apposte di loro pugno e
carattere ed alia presenza del sottoscritto.
Prata 18 Marzo 1892.
II sindaco.
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Translation.
Prata, i8th March 1892.
The undersigned Antonio Meneghel, son of Paolo, resident in this commiinity,
testifies before witnesses, that on the 8th of January, while working in the open
field upon a little dam, about 52 metres from the Meduna River, and 30 metres
from the new dyke which serves as a dam in the aforesaid stream, in the place
which is named Castellat, he found a ring with Greek lettering — ^which he could not
decipher — lying at a depth of about two metres (6J feet) below the surface. He
declares further, that this ring was, through the mediation of the gondolier Vincenzo
Cereser, sold to Dr. Henry Thode in Venice, who requires him to make the fore-
going statement.
Antonio Meneghel.
Luigi Vazzoler (witness).
Francesco Brunetta (witness).
It is herewith affirmed that the signature of Antonio Meneghel written with his
own hand in the presence of the undersigned, together with those of the foregoing
witnesses, Luigi Vazzoler and Francesco Brunetta, is to be accredited.
The Mayor.
Prata» i8th March 1892.
B.
Abstracts from the Archivio di Stato in Venice.
I.
Consiglio Died. Criminali IL, 1512-1519, S. 66.
MCXIIII Die X Junii In con X. cum add.
S. Hier. Duodo
. S. Marcus Georgius
S. Laur. Capellus
Capita.
Quod ut comes christophorus de frangepanibus captivus noster bene custodiatur
ita ut fugere non possit Auctoritate hujus consilii ponatur in Turricella et multi-
plicetur ilia custodia : prout collegio nostro Intervenientibus capitibus hujus consilii
videbitur. lUe vero famulus qui de presenti est in turricella et servit capitaneo
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Renerio removeactur (sic) omnino et ponantur in Gabionibus et deputetur aliquis
alius fidelis noster per dictum Collegium et Capita qui prefatis inserviat et inde non
exeat quoad fuerint expediti.
De parte 23
De non 4
Non sync .1
II.
In the same place.
Die X suprascripti In cons. X cum add.
Quod Capitaneus Risanus: Capitaneus Renerius: Callepinus et D. Guido a
turre : ac etiam Comes Christophorus de Frangepanibus per collegium extraordin-
arium hujus Consilij examinentur : et cum iis que habebuntur veniatur ad hoc
consilium. Dictum autem collegium possit similiter examinare illos alios qui sibi
videbuntur ex captivis existentibus in gabionibus.
De parte 26
De non 2
Non sync. o
III.
In the same place, p. 78.
Die XXV octobris In con. X. cum add.
S. Franc. Falletro
S. Luc. Thronus
capita.
Quod Rizanus captivus existens in turricella ob ea quae nunc dicta et declarata
fuerunt per ilium cautiorem et secretiorem modum et medium quod videbitur
capitibus hujus consilii et per ea ordinabitur tollatur e medio Itaque moriatur et
anima ejus a corpore separetur.
De parte 5
S. Jo. Trivisanus
S. Hier, pesarus
consiliarii.
Volunt quod attentis iis que nunc occurrunt presens materia et judicium pro
nunc difTerantur verum prefatus Rizanus non possit liberari neque aliquo modo
contracambiari Nisi per deliberationem hujus Consilii et per duo terda ballotarum.
De parte 15
De non i
Non sync 2
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Die 31 ejusdem mensis
s. franc. Faletro
s. paulus Capellus eques
s. lucas Thronus
capita.
Prima pars suprascripta posita fuit Iterum per tria capita et fuerunt.
De parte 10 10 12 11
S. Hier, pesarus
consiliarius
Vult quod attento quod apud Deum nulla res est displicentior nee que magis
provocet Iram suam quam Injustida et consyderato quod res militaris hoc non
ferat Ideo stetur super eo quod novissime captum fuit in hoc Consilio.
De parte 11 12 11 12
De non o
Non sync. 4 4 3 3
pendet.
Declaratum fuit per D. consiliarios visis legibus quod esset materia comunis et
status ac posset ballotari XXV vicibus.
IV.
Mtsti Cons, di X. N. 38. 1514, 1515.
MDXV Die XXI Mardj in con. X. cum add.
S. Franc. Falletro
S. Lucas Thronus
S. Franc, de Garzonibus
Capita.
Quod Nuntio Consortis comitis Christophori de Frangepanibus ad ea que
exposuit respondeatur in hunc modum per Serenissimum principem.
Nui havemo veduto molto volentiera la persona Vostra et udito questo ne
havete exposto in nome de la Signora Vostra madama £t inteso et questo
secretamente la ve ha imposto dobiate referire in nome suo et la causa per la qual
non li ha parso darne lettere de credenza. Unde azo possiate retomor a ley et
farli a saper la resposta nostra : ve dicemo : che debiate fare certa la Signoria sua
Nuy haver havuto molto grato di questo la se oiTerisse operare per condur bona
pace tra la Cesarea Maesta et el Stato nostro : et che volemo la sapia et cussi li
affirmarete et nui sembre siamo sta desyderosi de reconciliarse cum la Cesarea
Maesta per esser naturalmente Inclinati ad essere devotissimi soi et in la Instessa
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opinion perseveranno : et ogni fiata che la Cesarea Maesta se d^ni venire a pace
et haveme per fioli : che la ne ritrovera tanto prompti questo piui la non potria
attrovame Et che per tanto la vogli cum quelli mezi li parent veder de Indur la
Cesarea Maesta ad questa opera degna de sua Imperial Maesta et che Nui dal
canto nostro non siamo per manchar da tuto quello sia conveniente: et li
affirmarete che ultra che operandose in questa materia et conducendola ad bon fine
la po essere certissima de la liberation del Magnifico suo marito Volemo etiam la
tengi per fermo che dal Stato nostro et ley et li soi ne saranno ben recognossuti
Cerca el Salvocondutto potrete dirli che per le parole vostre essendo per la causa
sopradicta molto piui ad proposito el star suo deli El che et a Nuy piace et
comendarete Non accade hora dime altro a vui veramente dicemo che affaticandovi
ne sentirete bona et larga remuneratione.
De parte a8
De non o
Non sync o
Collegio. Notatario. 1515-1520. Vol 26, p. 52 v.
1517 adi 27 Marzo.
Serenissime Princeps et lUustrissima Signoria el se supplica al conspecto de
vostra Signoria per li poveri presoni alemani« che se ritrovano da mesi 37 neli
chebioni da terra nova miseri et pieni de ogni calamita: et la mazor parte mal
conditionati de diverse malatie che hora de tanti semo restati solum numero 27 tra
balestrieri suzeti lanzamoli et fanti a piedi : et essendo hora per la gratia de Dio
8^;uito apontamento tra la Maiesta Cesarea et la Maiesta Christianissima et vostra
Sublimita et non essendo piui stipendiarii ne subditi de vostra Signoria presoni in
Alemagna che far se podesse contracambio ne da Nui povereti Vostra Signoria non
vol taja alcuna per non haverli che dar se non la vita : pero genibus flexis supplicano
Vostra Signoria lUustrissima ne vogli donar la nostra liberta per la misericordia de
Dio et dementia vostra : azio non finiamo la nostra vita in queste miserabile carcere
et facendo ne questa gratia a questi Sancti Tempi quaresimal haveremo sempre
causa de pregar Idio per vostra Signoria et apresso li nostri Signori laudarsi de la
dementia de quella : et aspectamo per la passion del nostro Signor messer Jesu
Christo benigna resposta cum quel desiderio aspectavano li sancti Padri nel nimbo
la venuta del Salvador a liberarse, che Idio conservi la Signoria Vostra et augumenti
quella in pace et quiete per ben de la religion Christiana Aricomandandosi nui tuti
in zenochioni a la bona grazia de quella.
10
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Nota deli presoni Alemani se attrovano ni li gabioni de terra nuova.
Here follow the names : almost all are " servidori di zentiluomini."
15 17 die nil Aprilis in Collegio.
Quod omnes famuli suprascripti alemani captivi gratiose et ex benignitate
Dominii nostri liberentur.
17
4
o
VI.
Collegio. Notatorio. 1515-1520. Vol. 26, 1517 die XXIII Maji in Collegio.
Che la moglie del conte Cristophoro Frangepani, la qual h cum lui Infirma et
vol andar a padoa a li bagni possi andare et poi retomare in Toresella cum suo
Marito.
VII.
Cansiglio X. Misti. N. 41. 1517. P. 48.
Che per satisfar a la instante rechiesta facta per el Conte christoforo de i
Frangepani existente captivo in Torresella Li sia concesso che el possi veder la
solemnita et procession del zomo de Doman ne la salla de la libraria sopra quel
pozuol Dove tamen el sia acompagnato dal Nobil homo ser Zuan Antonio Dandolo
et cum tale disposition de custodie da esser ordinate per li capi de questo consejo
cum ogni modo cauto et senza demonstration alcuna Si che el se sia securi che non
possi seguir scandolo Et fomita (sic) la processione el sia immediate reposto al suo
loco cum le guardie sue ordinarie et consuete Questo dechiarido che per la presente
deliberation el non se intendi chel dito conte christophoro sia homo de questo
consejo.
De parte ai
De non 6
Non sync o
VIII.
Consiglio X. Misti. N. 42. 1518. P. 145 v.
MDXVIII Die XVIII Decembris In con. X cum add.
S. Franc Foscari
S. Nicolo Venerio
Capita.
Che attenta la Relation hora facta a questo consejo per el circumspecto
fidelissimo Secretario nostro Nicolo Aurelio de le parole dicteli dal Conte
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ChristophoFO di Frangepani : et del aesyderio Iha de venire avanti la sua partita a
visitar la Signoria nostra et tuore grata licentia : ac etiam dire alcune cose che li
occorreno per auctorita de questo consejo sia preso che luni da mattina sia fatto
mtrodurre esso conte Christophoro davanti el Serenissimo Principe Consejeri et
capi de questo Consejo et Savij del Consejo X da Terra ferma : et li siano fatte
quelle acoglienze sarano expediente: Et inteso questo el vora exponer in questo
proposito venire poi se debi a questo consejo a dechiarire tuto quello che per luy
sara sta referido.
De parte * 21
S. Bapt Erizzo
Caput
Che per non incorere in alcun disordine over suspitione per la causa
soprascritta consyderate precipue le occorrentie di presenti tempi per auctorita de
questo consejo sia preso che mandare se debino ad esso Conte christophoro un
Savio del Consejo et un Savio da terraferma quali habino ad far el medesimo effecto
che faria in tal caso el CoUegio nostro.
De parte 3
De non 2
Non sync o
IX.
StncUo, Dtliberazionu Secreta 1516-1518. Vol. 47.
On pages 56, 57, 66, 67, 68 in the negotiations with France and Cardinal LAng
the question of the release, namely of the promised surrender of Frangipani, is
repeatedly referred to.
C.
Letters.
I give here only the more important among the letters which have been
translated in the text, the originals of which may be read in Sanuto.
I.
Apolhnia to Count Christoph.
Of the 17th of July 15 14.
(Sanuto, Vol. XVIII. p. 491)
Potente, alto e ben nasuto signor cordialissimo et carissimo marito, ve sia
sempre oferto el mio integro, perpetuo et inviolabil amor et fede. Con tutto el
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mio bon et fidel core fazo intender a la signoria vostra che io, per certa causa, me
ho levato de Adelsperg et son venuta a Gramburg, in el qual loco ho ricevuto
el scriver de la gratia vostra in conveniente preson, la qual cossa me ^ stata di
grandissimo gaudio, come la gratia vostra scrive ch'el se debi scriver al mio gratioso
segnor ; per la qual cosa nui tutti dui debiamo grandemente rengratiar Dio. Ancora
al gratioso segnor et fradello el cardinal ; la qual cossa io per avanti ho fato e per
lo avegnir farb, e son de ferma speranza ne la gratia sua in modo et via sarä el
possibile, et non remetterä diligentia alcuna. Jo voglio etiam da novo a la gratia
vostra ordenar et far che ve sia mandate per Zanuss 4 zomi da poi le date pi& dinari ;
et ho a la gratia vostra mandato, per un marcadante di Lubiana, per cambio ducati
100, et cussi credo che la gratia vostra li habia habuti, et non lassaro in modo
n^ via alcuna desasio a la gratia vostra infina che io viverb. Jo ho etiam del
scriver vostro mandato una copia al mio gratioso segnor et caro padre per el
potente s^nor et mio caro fradelo conte Ferdinande, cum humel pregi che pater-
nalmente Fhabia la gratia vostra per aricomandata. Circha li fameglii, secondo
che la gratia vostra scrive, io son per far el tutto: ma per andar a la vendema al
presente non h stä possibile. £ tutto con consejo et bon voler del mio potente
signor et fradello conte Ferdinande son andata a Plaiburg, et son zonta li a d\ 27
Lujo, et la sua bona gratia h partita da mi fraternal et amigevolmente. Etiam,
gratioso signor, sapia la signoria vostra che Tomaso Socolorum ^ forte amalato in
modo ch'el non puol expedir le facende de la signoria vostra, et b da dubitar che
la signoria vostra ne averä gran danno; el dotor ha nome Hieronimo de Odia.
Con questo me ricomando quella a TOnipotente Idio e a Maria sua degnissima
Madre, li quali presto ne ajuti insieme sani et cum alegreza; la qual speranza me
mantien.
De vostra gratia in tutto fidelissima consorte Apolonia contessa di Frangipani.
Data a Plaiburg a dl 17 Lujo 1514. A tergo : al potente alto nasudo segnor,
segnor Christofolo principe, conte de Frangipan, de Jeng, Fogels et de Modrusa,
consejer de la Cesarea Majestk et capitanio del Carsio, segnor mio gratioso et
carissimo consorte.
Count CJmstoph to ApoUonia.
Of the 29th of August 15 14.
(Sanuto, Vol. XVIII. p. 489, etc.)
Carissima mojer !
Te sia sempre oferto la mia fede et amor immutabile et sapi che io ho ricevudo
doe tue letere per Zanus et 100 fiorini de Rens; ma pur non senza fastidio
i
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intendando de la tua malatia, et ho ricevuto una altra de di 27 de lujo ; la terza de
dl 4 Avosto presente insieme cum el scriver del mio caro signor et padre, in el quat
tuto scriver ho inteso la sanitä sua et tua et del mio caro fradelo, con grandissima
al^ezza. Sapi che io scrivo al presente al mio caro signor et padre la risposta ;
sichb mandagela ad ogni modo. Sapi etiam che son sano; de la qual cosa io
ringratio FOnnipotente Dio, et mi trovo di bon pensier per il conforto a me in
scriptura mandato per il mio caro signor et padre, come el me scrive, che in breve
el se die far e conduder una universal pace et concordia tra tutti li principi el
signori christiani : et cus\ prego TOnnipotente Dio se fazi con questo possi almanco
sperar deliberarmL De la tua sanitä me piace; sapite guardar et guarda.
Adempissi ognio mio ordine secondo che chiaramente da mi et da mia parola tu
hai inteso. Secondo che tu me scrivi, che Taunmasch b amalato, et che per tal
cossa potria mi haver danno, te dico che tu fazi secundo te ordenai. Tu me scrivi
etiam che alcuni ti sono desobedienti ; tu sa' che I'ordine mio h stato sempre che
ogniuno te sia obediente in mia absentia ; per questo fa quello che sia con honor
mio et che stia ben, secondo, come credo, che non farai altramente. Mojer
carissima ! In li passati zomi tu me ha scripto et mandato uno par de calze negre
et un par de calzete de tella: ma le calze rosse io non ho hauto; haveria de
bisogno de esse adesso per Tinvemo con doi para de nenzuoli et qualche fazuol de
caro. Se tu intendi qualcosa di paze o veramente qualche altra bona cosa, scrivi
me, azib me possa slegni. De li servitori come tu sai, lassali et cum quello de
Falchesten, lassa scorer per alcuni boni respeti et scrivime de la massaria che
Ini fa.
Carissima mojer! Saludame la mia cara fiola, et non te desmentegar de
govemarla ben, et scrivime spesso. Spaza con presteza Zanus cum el mio
reverendissimo monsignor Curzense et falo per quel m^lior modo te sia possibile
et ricorda a sua signoria con el scriver tuo de mi infina che Dio mandi qualche
bona nova.
Carissima mojer ! Ricordate de la mia perpetua et immutabilfede et amor, et
non me lassar senza danari, perchb el nostro signor padre scrive che li messi per
il suo teritorio non sono securi, et sapi ehe io convengo haver per spese ogni mese
fiorini 40.
Data a Venezia a' 29 Avosto 15 14.
Cristoforo Frangapani
manu propria.
A teigo: a la ben nasuda madama Polonia contessa de Frangipani et nostra
carissima mojer.
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Apollonia to Giovanni Antonio Dandolo,
February 1515.
Magnifice et generöse domine provisor et amice honorande commendationem.
Non modicam consolationem concepimus ex litteris Magnificentiae Vestrae quarto
idus Januarii scriptis, quibus nobis primo illustrissimi domini et conjugis in amore
erga nos perseverantiam, deinceps inclyti Senatus clementiam et benignitatem.
Vestrae denique Magnificentiae erga eum studia et benevolentiam quam ofBciose
exponit Hoc enim spem nobis praebuit efficacem, ipsum illustrem dominum
et conjugem nostrum carissimum li benigne et humanius tractari: alterum vero,
licet sit apud nos in dubbium, animum nostrum, tam moerore alioquin fatig-
atum et conjugis caiissimi desiderio afflictum, paulisper recreavit Debemus
ergo et agimus Ms^ificentiae Vestrae gratias immortales, turn quod scribere
et nos consolari dignata est, cum quod nihil ofBciorum erga memoratum illus-
trem dominum et conjugem nostrum carissimum in hoc molestissimo tempore
omittat Mallem autem referre si in turbulentissima istius tempestatis injuria
patietur. Sed unum adhuc superest, quod animum nostrum adhuc frequenter angit
et afficit cupiditas et Studium ipsum illustrissimum dominum carissimum conjugem
adeundi et visendL Ob quam causami jamdudum non cessamus apud inclytum
Coll^um Capitum et Consiliariorum Decemvirorum urbis vestrae supplicare et
operam dare, ut nobis cum familia bonisque nostris concedant licentiam redeundi et
recedendi etc. Quod quamvis illustre Coll^um hactenus distulerit, est tarnen
nobis adhuc spes indubia, posse id quod petimus apud eos impetrari; baud enim
nos praeterit, quod et Magnificentia Vestra suis litteris testatur, quam Venetam
habeat lUustrissimus Senatus vester justitiae clementiam, qua eum spero malle
uti erga me mulierem viro viduatam quam severitate aliqua. Sit igitur, obsecro
Magnificentiam vestram, nobis in hoc impetrando, pro singulari sua erga nos
benevolentia, patrodnio et auxilio, ut detur tandem totiens desiderati conjugis
praesentia ftui et inde tam anxium et afflictum animum recreare. Quod si forte
memoratis inclitis Capitibus et Consiliariis Collegii Decem virorum asperum nimis
et grave videretur, petitionem nostram ea conditione ut praemittitur admittere,
verentes et suspectum habentes tam liberum adventum et redditum nostrum ne forte
sinistri aliquid ex inde machinaremur concedant saltem et permittant ne mihi sit diutius
carissimo conjuge carendum, ut sola cum aliquibus virginibus meo ministerio dum-
taxatnecessariis illustrissimum dominum et conjugem carissimum Venetias accedam,
cohabitem et eodem carcere et sub eadem custodia secum detinear. Quod si dictus
I
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illustiis conjunx iioster nos abire jubeat hunc, liceat mihi cum dictis virginibus et
bonis nostris domum libere et tute remeare. Quod eos omnino speramus non
negaturoS) insidias verituros aut dolos a muliere sua sponte se in carcere dedente :
tanto enim carissimi conjugis desiderio affligimus, ut nee carceres nee etiam extrema
quaeque secum subire formidemus, solum liceat secum esse. Annuat igitur
Magnificentia Vestra tam honestis praecibus nostris, et procuret, pro singular! sua
erga nos humanitate, apud inclytum Capitum et Consiliariorum Decemvirorum
Collegium, ut novissimae saltem petitioni obsecundent Quo Dominatio Vestra
non solum a nobis gratias promerebitur ingentes, sed a Deo Optimo Maximo, qui
matrimonium et conjugium cohabitationem instituit praecepitque ne ab homine
separetur quos Deus bene junxit, remunerationem etemam. Valeat Magnificentia
Vestra diu feliciter, et illustrem dominum et conjugem nostrum carissimum meque
mulierem afflictam sibi plurimum commendet.
Observantissima
Apollonia de Frangipanis,
Illustrissimi comitis Christofori conjux, Signae, Veglae Modrusaeque comitissa.
Magnifico et generoso domino Joanni Antonio Dandulo patritio Veneto provisori
Toresellae, domino et amico honorandissimo. Venetüs.
Apollonia to Count Christoph,
Of the 3 ist of March 1515.
(Sanuto, Vol. XX. p. 188, etc.)
Alto nassuto et potente signor et principe carissimo et gratiosissimo marito.
El mio continuo et involubel amor et fede ve sia cum humel diligentia da
mi sempre parata £1 vostro scriver novamente et dato a Venetia in Toresela a di
13 defevrer ho receputo et inteso ; in el qual, circa la licentia del mio voler vegnir a
Venetia, vostra signoria me scrive che la s. vostra molto piu volentiera vederia el
mio vegnir a V. che la sua propria libertä senza una bona paze, et questo per pib
respetti et cause ; el qual scriver de la s. v. ho inteso cum grandissimo desiderio ;
la qual cosa da et k dato una grandissima consolatione, subvegno et gran contento
al mio tribulato core et inferma persona in questa mia dolente vita. £t pensandome
che la s. V. ^ in preson et in quella patisse altri senestri et desasii et niente de manco
la se monsträ tanto benigna, gratiosa et volenterosa verso di me circa la mia voluntk
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de venirla a trovar a V., et che quella mai se desmentiga de mi, son per tenirme nella
(mente) tal cosa in vita mia et mai del bon voler de de la s. v. dementicarme ; et in
ogni cosa dove lo so et posso, mai me sparagnarö de tuto quello che Dio me ha
dato et darä verso la s. v. ; et cussi me offerisso verso la s. v. per bona et fidel serva
et quella sia certa che lo piü tosto voria veder et star cum quella che haver ogni
altra cosa del mondo etc.
Circa la mia grave malatia da la quäl fin qui grandemente son stä opressa et
anchora son, el me saria ben de bisogno de laudabel medici et del suo bon consejo,
et maxime de quelli de Venetia, che sono per fama et opera melior de tutti li altri ;
et cum el suo consejo credo che el me saria bon bever de Taqua de Abano, cum
speranza de rehaver mia sanitade. Per le tre ditte cose pertanto io ho mandato a
la Illustrissima Signoria de Venetia uno gratioso et humel pri^o et rechiesta, et
domandado uno franco et libero salvacondutto, cum el quäl io seguramente possi
venir a Venetia a trovar la signoria vostra, et cum quella alquanto star sotto quella
medesima custodia et guarda che quella convien star, et etiam poder per la mia
gran malatia haver consejo et ajuto da quelli boni et valenti medici ; la quäl cossa
fin qui da la Illustrissima Signoria non me b stä concessa, et credo solamente per le
grande et diverse facende ; ma pur ancora io son de ferma speranza, et cussi credo,
che la Illustrissima Signoria et la sua grandissima potentia non me negerano tal
gratia et honesta richiesta.
In quanta a lo anello^ gratioso et carissimo marito^ io dico che quello antllo che ha
habuto missier Zuan Stefano Maza doveria esser stäfaito unpoco piii streto de quello
che era lo anello vechio ; et haverge fattofar quelle letere che erano su la polita dentro
et defora de lo anello^ le quäl parole danno resposta a le parole che la signoria vostra
me ha mandä in lo altro anello el quäl anello Ja ho appresso de mi, et ho lo voluto
mandar a la Signoria vostra aziochi la signoria vostra el volgi per amor mio et
memoria portarlo ; et perh^ cussi piacendo a quella la volgi far far perchi de qui non
se trova alcun bon orevese,
Ancora, gratioso signor et carissimo marito, secondo che la signoria vostra me
scrive che li manda ancora uno par de linzuoli atiö quella se possi mutar per tanto
li mando uno par de quelli del suo letto de campo ; et si quelli non fusseno al
proposito per esser tropo grandi over picoli, la signoria vostra me fazi intender, che
io li mandarö de li altri secondo il voler de quella ; io non so etiam la grandezaover
laigeza de la letiera. Item, io ho mandato a la signoria vostra per el passato uno
par de calze de panno negro, le quäl sono de panno grosso. Io non ho in quel
tempo possuto trovar de melio, et si la signoria vostra ne volesse uno altro par, io
ho ordenado a missier Zuan Stefano Maza, che, vojando la signoria vostra, lui ne
manda raso, veludo, over damaschin et panno per un par de calze. Et per tanto
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volgi la signoria vostra parlar cum lui et mandarme el tuto, che io faro far qualche
cosa de hello a la signoiia vostra.
Mando etiam al presente a la signoria vostra una letera del mio gratioso et caro
fradelo conte Ferdinando, et etiam una de Tomaso Socholeris ; la qual letera era in
questa mia malatia stk posta in le lettere de Tomaso Socholeris, le qual io pur adesso
ho trovata.
Jo me ricomando a la signoria vostra come a mio gratioso s^nor et carissimo
marito cum ogni fede et humilitä pr^;ando quella se volgi cum prudentia confortarse
in queste sue adversitk, perchb Io Onnipotente Dio et el tempo mandarä ogni cosa a
bon fin.
Data a Blaiburg, a di ai de Marzo 15 15.
Gratioso s(^or et carissimo marito.
Habiandome scritto la signoria vostra de sua man propria per dar alegreza a
ogni mia tribulation et dolor cum ogni humilitä ringratio la signoria vostra et tegno
tal scriver de vostra signoria sempre nel cor mio, et son molto al^ata del conforto
de la signoria vostra che ella me manda, pregando la scoria vostra cum ogni
obedientia et humanitä quello se volgi et al^rar et star de bona voia, perche io, in
veritä, non ho dubio alcuno in missier Domenedio, che la sua divina gratia drizarä
ogni cosa a bon Camino et finirä etc. Vostra Fiola Anna Maria et la sorela insieme
cum le altre donzele, se ricomandano a la gratia vostra, et sapia la signoria vostra
che . . . oum li nostri pri^i verso missier Domenedio devotamente per la Signoria
vostra etc.
Ciun questo me ricomando a la signoria vostra cum grandissima speranza che
Io Omnipotente Dio presto ne conzonzerit insieme cum grandissima alegrezza etc.
Si la signoria vostra vol arzenti over qualche altra cosa, me faza intender.
Apolonia contessa de' Frangipani.
Etiam, gratioso segnor et carissimo marito, io mando a la signoria vostra una
intimela, per la qual la signoria vostra me ha scritto, et una letera del mio gratioso
s^nor et caro fradelo cardinal de Gurch.
I would at this point call attention to the fact, that still another possibility exists
in connection with the inscription on the ring differing from the conjecture expressed
upon p. 90. If one punctuated, for instance, in the following way: ''et haverge
fatto fiar quelle lettere, che erano su la poliza, dentro et de fora de Io anello," the
meaning then given would be: the inscription which was upon the ''poliza" must
be placed within and without on the (new) ring. " Poliza" would then have to be
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understood as a note upon which Apollonia had written the inscription, and which
had been sent to the agent, Maza. In this case the new ring, which was made to
replace the old one, probably did not bear " Myt Wyllen dyn eygen," but another
inscription, and the explanation of " Mit Wyllen dyn eygen " given on p. 91 must be
discarded. It would also not be necessary to have recourse to the theory of an
inscription cut on the interior of the ring in my possession. With the question as
to the identity of the ring which Christoph lost with the one which I now possess,
these various interpretations of the clause in Apollonia's letter have nothing to do,
for the certainty of this is assured in the whole development of events, and is not
dependent upon the passage in question.
The other letters quoted by me in the text are as follows : —
Christoph's letter to the Community of Udine; Sanuto, XVIII. p. 122.
Letter from Captain Rizzan to Bernhard Rauber; Sanuto, XVIII. p. 166.
Letter from Bernhardin Frangipani to Christoph; Sanuto, XVIII. p. 486 f.
Christoph's letter to his father ; Sanuto, XVIII. p. 489 f.
Christoph's letter to his brothers ; Sanuto, XVIII. p. 494.
Matthew Lang's letter to Christoph; Sanuto, XXI. p. 72.
I. Letter from Maximilian to Christoph; Sanuto, XXV. p. 206.
II. Letter from Maximilian to Christoph ; Sanuto, XXV. p. 334.
Christoph's dream ; Sanuto, XX. p. 199.
Abstracts.
Relating to the Lang Family of Wellenburg,
In the "Mittheilungen der Gesellschaft für Salzburger Landeskunde," VI.
Jahrgang 1866, p. 21, Anton Ritter von Schallhammer has published the Last
Testament of Matthew Lang, according to the manuscript in the private archives
of Count Wolkenstein-Trostburg in Trient. In his comments upon this Will, which
was written on the 14th of August 1536, he makes cursory mention of such
members of the Cardinal's family and kinsfolk as are named therein, together with
his estates : the Castle of Wellenburg and the Manors of Kytzpüchl and Wildenwart
in the Tyrol. Kytzpüchl was given to the Emperor Maximilian in 1506 by the.
Dukes Albert and Wolfgang of Bavaria, and on December 23rd of the same year
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it was bestowed by him in fief upon the Cardinal At a later period it came into
the possession of a Count Wolkenstein, through a marriage with one of the Langs,
and with it a number of memorabilia belonging to that family. The reference to
private manuscript concerning inheritance, friendship, etc., which was given in the
aforementioned essay, led me to beg permission to examine the papers in question ;
a favour which was most graciously accorded me by his Excellency Count Anthony
von Wolkenstein-Trostburg, Imperial Austrian Ambassador in Paris, and Count
William von Wolkenstein-Trostburg in Trient
In the Lang archives the following manuscripts are to be found, together with
the testament, published by Herr von Schallkammer: the documents relating to
Kytzpüchl ; sundry files with the inscription : " Unseres gnedigsten Herrn Cardinals
von Salzburg, etc., Sumari der Truchen, Brief und Statuten Registratur reformiert
1538, In Januario et Februario," which belong to the Acts Testamentary, and con-
tain an inventory of the possessions ; a copy of the "inventory of bequests " of the
8th of June 1541 j a small document from the beginning of the sixteenth century
(evidently prior to 15 10, as Count Julian von Lodron is referred to as living), which
contains short entries about the Lang family ; " Auszug aus einer Ahnfrau Büchlein
über das Geschlecht der Lang" (abstract from an ancestral dame's small book
concerning the race of Lang) ; and lastly, a genealogical tree of the Langs, going
backward from the sixteenth century.
In the following notes I give the most important data from these papers, which
have been partly incorporated in the foregoing narrative.
I.
Abstract from the ^^ Ancestral Dam^s Small Book,**
This begins with : " In gottes Namen sollen all ding werden angefangen durch
dein pittem todt erloss uns auss aller nodt, Amen." (In God's name all things
should be begun : as thou hast known death's bitterness, so help us ever in distress.
Amen.)
The oldest Lang mentioned is one Conrad, who took a Langenmantel to wife,
in the year 1382. His son Hans (corrected to Ulrich) was wedded to an Onsorge.
His son Paul, and his wife, who was a Schrenk, had fourteen children. The names
of seven sons are recorded: i. Paul; 2. Joseph (died in Memmingen); 3. Ulrich
(died in a foreign land) ; 4. Wilhelm (lost at sea) ; 5. Ludwig (died in Hungary) ;
6. Hans (killed by a fall from his horse) ; 7. Marx, married to Benigna Engelschalkh,
died 1470. llie eldest son, Paul, whose wife was named Dorothea, had three sons :
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Lienhart, wedded to ApoUonia Breyschuher ; Paul, who was a Canon and Doctor
in Freising ; and Hans, who took to wife Margreth, a daughter of Ulrich Sulzer.
The latter were the parents of Matthew and ApoUonia, and their children were
named as follows : —
MatfAew.
Leonhart^ " created a Knight in the Bohemian war, Carver to the King.**
Lucas^ " Governor in Grumnitz."
Hans "had tarried much in Welschland in Venice, and had wedded a gentlewoman
named Jacobina Trageschickh. Her father was driven out of crostien (Croatia)
by the Turks."
Marx, Official, " a dear servant of the King of England." He took an English-
woman to wife.
Apollonian "The first daughter, who was called ApoUonia, went with the women
of the Roman King's court, and bore herself so virtuously and honourably that
Counts and Lords came to woo her. She finally took Count Julius von Lodron
as her husband."
(Regina), Name missing. She was wedded to a Haslpach.
Ottilia^ married to John Schad, Doctor and Knight
Anna was the wife of Hannsen Häckzel in Augsburg.
{Feliatas). Name missing. She was married to a man named Rössler.
Inventory of the Chest containing Documents ^1538.
In the division marked " Inheritance and Friendship," I find that the foUow-
ing documents relating to ApoUonia are noted : —
"Gräfin von Lodron ein Quittimg umb 11°^ (2000) gulden die Sy dem Cardinal
dargdiehe und die sein K. M. bezahllt hat de dato Augspurg 4 Junii 1510."
"Der Gräfin von Lodron pergamenene entliche Quittung mit einem anhang-
endem Innsigl umb 800 fl ob Ires vätterlichen und muetterlichen Erbguets de dato
Mitwoch nach Lichtmess 1512."
In the " Heyrathhandlung Truchen " (the chest containing marriage n^otiations),
a document is cited concerning ApoUonia's daughter, Anna Maria : —
" Darinen herm Andreas Ungnad und der jungen Gräfin von Lodron seiner
gemahl heyrath vermacht - Widerfal schultbrief und verschreibung zwischen Inen
der heyrath halber aufgericht"
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3.
Inventory of Bequests
of the 8th June 1541.
Reference is again made here to the aforementioned document, which discloses
the date 152 t as that of Anna Maria's marriage: —
** Herrn Anndreen Ungnad und der jungen Gräfin von Lodron seiner gemaehl
heyrats vermacht, de dato am Freytag nach Bartholomei Tausend fünfhundert
ains und zwaintzig Jar."
Widerfall BriefT von gedachtem Ungnad de dato Sonntag post Egidij Tausend
fünfhundert ains und zwaintzig Jar."
Verschreibung zwischen Inen des heyrats halben aufgericht de dato am Freytag
nach Bartholomei Tausend fünfhundert ains und zwaintzig Jar."
The patent of Nobility of the Langs bearing date of the 24th of August 1498
is likewise mentioned.
The inventory contains long lists of countless rings, ducats, pearls, many pieces
of satin, taffeta» damask, silver articles, etc. I note only the more interesting
art-works and other objects.
Khaysei Carl Bildnuss in stain geschnitten.
Ain mappa novi orbis.
Ptholomeus in Schwartz eingepunden.
Theologia teutonica in latino conscripta.
Ain gross universall Spera oder Globus.
Ain klainer universall Spera.
In des Friesing Cammer :
Ain sehen gemallte Tafell mit nachkender Venus und Cupido.
Mcr ains mit Lucretia.
Aber ein Taifel mit ettlichen Bildern, mit gelber Färb aussgestrichen.
Im gewelbe bey dem Zimmer dar Inn matheus Erzbischove gewont hat :
Ain altar tafl mit Salvators Bildnuss. Ecce homo.
Ain silbern maylendischer schreybtzeug mit dem Calamal.
In a Chest ;
Ain klains prauns puchsl dar Innen das schön Diemantkreutzl von Herr
Hanmtn Lang ist ungevelich auf fiinffhundert Gulden geteurt worden.
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A gift from the Marquess of Mantua :
Ein zwyfacher Kopf vergult der ain tayll mit ainer hanndhab.
Lastly, gifts from the King of Ffance and the Bishops of Augsburg and
Aichstett.
4-
The Genealogical Table of the Langs,
I give an exact reproduction of the old genealogical tables — several slight
additions, authorised by the Cardinal's will, I have designated as such.
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'
HANS
Maigreth
Matthaus
Ulrich
Margret
Gex)rg
Leonhard
Hans
Cardinal Kais.
t jung
t jung
t jung
In der
Jacobina
Mj. geheimer
Böhmischen
Tragischik
Secretarius Ist
Schlacht Ritter
uxor
in der Böhmischen
worden t 1509
deren
Schlacht Ritter dar-
in Veldlager
Bruder
nach Thumprobst
von Padua
aus Bossa
zu Augsburg volgends
von Türken
Bischoff zu Gurck
vertriben
u. Cardinal letzlich
Erzlisdioff zu Salzburg
worden t 1540
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LANG
IL Tafel.
Sulzerin
Lucas
F£LICITAS
Apollonia*
Regina Ottilia
Anna
Marcus
K. M. Pfleger
zu Grumniu
in Kämthen
1. Elisabeth
Schultheissin
2, Margret
Hoferin
N. Rosslers
uxor
Graf Julio
▼. Lodron
verheurath
(Zusatz :
In zweiter
Ehe 151a
mit Graf
Ist N. V. R. Jo.
Haslpach Schad
verheurath D. L. v
Ritter
Hanns Kunigs v. Engeland
Häckzel Ratther in Dienst
. Augsburg hatt ein Engel-
landerin zur
ehe gehabt eines
guetten Hers-
chomens
80 SUTOr
seinem
Bruder
Christoph
Frangipani
verheirathet»
(Zusatz: t 1536)
licnhard
verspnxaien
t 1519)
Zusatz:
Zusatz:
ward
^
^ ^
(Zusatz:
tim
Gefingniss
▼on Hans
Thoman von
Rosenburg)
Anna Maria
Londron
verh. mit An-
dreas Ungnad
Freiherm von
Sonneck 1521
Marc
VOl
E
URETH Maria
a der von
»Urr Lamberg
Catharina Agnes
Wolffgang Wolffgang
Hoffer verheu- Kärlmger
rath verheurat
* apollonia (dem Wappen nach ein LAngin hatt H. Christoff Frangepan Graffc etc. gehabt So
Im Venedtgischen Krieg gefangen lang zu Venedig In hafft gelegen 14 . .
(Der Verferttger des Stammbanmes nahm offenbar eine II. Apollonia an, die er im Summbaum nich
)
II
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II.
Maximilian and ApoUonia.
j^
The two following paragraphs in Sanuto's Diary are those which have preserved
for us the knowledge of Maximilian's affection : —
Vol. XVI. p. i8i (the printed edition).
23. April 15 13. Noto. Per la venuta di Damian di Tarsia contestable nostro,
qual vien de Hbtria, come Plmperador avia maridato una favarita^ sarela dil
cardenai Curtense^ nel conic Christoforo di Frangipanni^ e datoli per dota il Contä
di Pexin et Gorizia.
VoL XXIII. 23. May 151 7.
In the proceedings of the Collegio Lunardo Emo remarks :
Si suol dir questo (Frangipani) ^ Cugnado dil Gurzense (Matthew Lang) cfC I
un aliro Impcrador e so^ mojcr fo garzona di Plmperador ^ per la qual äfato grande
il Curzense,
In the hitherto unknown data concerning the deep interest felt by Maximilian
for the Cardinal's sister, which was openly expressed in the gifts and fiefs which
were bestowed upon her, may be found, as I believe, an explanation of the wholly
absurd conjectures entertained at a later date by various historians, namely, that
Matthew Lang was a son of Maximilian. The tradition that a Lang was beloved
by the Emperor was generally known, but not the name of the Lang in question.
ApoUonia's mother, instead of herself, was reported to have been the object of his
affection, and from this doubtless arose the absurd fable which Schopf — ^according
to Veith's Bibliotheca Augustana (Alphabetum V. p. 26, etc.)— quotes in his
writing *'Ein Diplomat Kaiser Maximilians I" (Vienna 1882), in the following
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words : '* It is certainly dear that Maximilian I. had in him (Matthew Lang) such
a trusted friend and favourite, that a portion of this generosity was accredited,
on the strength of the simple exclamation in Johann Pincianus' Dialogues : * O
Emperor, thou happy father,' as showing a natural bond between himself and
Maximilian, and that Matthew Raderus, and Imhof following him, report on the
strength of this : ' Matthew Lang of Wellendorf, son of a patrician lady of Augsburg
and of Emperor Max. I.' regardless of the fact that chronological and general
difficulties are inimical to such a conclusion." Maximilian was bom in 1459,
Matthew Lang in 1468. Johann David Köhler, who rejected the legend, draws
attention to it in his Historischen Münzbelustigung {Historical Pleasures of Money ^
1 731, Vol. IIL p. 25), in which he says, "In connection with this, it hath
been asserted that Matthew Lang was a natural son of the Emperor Maximilian,
and a beautiful lady in Augsburg. This is verily a piece of the greatest untruth
ever thought by the mind of man."
It also appears to me that a certain definite connection exists between the
friendship of Maximilian and ApoUonia, and the narrative given in Zimmem's
Chronicle of the passion which ApoUonia inspired in the heart of Duke George of
Bavaria. AVhat is here related is evidently only a gossiping story, like many others
reproduced in the Chronicle. The favours heaped upon Cardinal Lang by the
Emperor are in it described as due to the affection of Duke George. Maximilian
was indebted to that nobleman, and, in accordance with his wishes, had exalted
ApoUonia's brother to the most honourable positions.
The only real facts in this narrative are, first, that Duke George also was under
the spell of ApoUonia's attraction ; and second, that he had loaned money to the
Emperor. Matthew Lang did not need the Bavarian Duke to aid him in winning
trust and honours from his Imperial Lord. That the esteem and affection which
ApoUonia enjoyed at the court were not to his disadvantage, is, however^ wiUingly
conceded.
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III.
The Germano- Roman Breviary of 1518.
f
The copy of this extremely rare work which lies before me and is preserved in
the National Museum in Buda-Pesth was — thanks to the kind mediation of Herr
Geheimer-Hofrath Zangemeister, chief librarian in the University of Heidelberg —
most courteously sent by the Directors of the National Museum to Heidelberg,
where I can study it critically. The following description may serve to improve
and fill up the not strictly accurate data which are to be found in Brunet's Manuel
de libndre, SuppL I. coL 173 ; in Panzer's Annalen, I. p. 890 ; in the Catalogue of
A. Asher, 1857, p. 88; and in Catalogue 65 of Ludwig Rosenthal's Antiquariat
(p. 22, N. 186).
The book, which is printed in double columns of red and black Gothic lettering,
and decorated with 9 full-page woodcuts, 10 marginal decorations, and many initials,
contains 16 uimumbered and nominally 630, but in reality 498, numbered quarto
pages — ^for the paging springs from 468 to 601.
On the second page a woodcut is seen with the two escutcheons of Frangipani
and ApoUonia Lang. Beneath them is the preface which has been literally
reproduced in the text of this book.
Then follow the Calendar and the Table of Contents,
p. 1-94. The Ordering of the Psalter. " The ordering of the Psalter according to
the use of the Roman Church beginneth blessedly here."
p. 95. The Breviary. " In the name of our Lord Jesus Christ, here beginneth
the Breviarie after the order of the Roman Church."
p. 301. '* Here heg^ the feasts of the Saintis for the whole yere."
p. 453. '' The Short or Seven Times of our dere Ladie the pure Virgin Mary."
p. 601. ''From here on is the Communion ; that is to say, the general prayere of
the Saintis."
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Finally (B. 629 v.) is thö conclusion — already given verbatim in the foregoing
text
Following that, on p. 630, is the " Register concerning the divisions of this
book."
T7u Woodcuts. Among these are to be found large prints, which, with the
surrounding marginal designs, cover a whole page, and decorative borders, which are
frequently repeated in various arrangements.
I. Larger Prints.
1. at p. I. Above is the coronation of Mary. Below, Christoph is seen kneeling
to the left and ApoUonia to the right Marked : z. a. S. Abb.
2. at p. 94. The Annunciation. Marked : I. A.
3. at p. 21. The Birth of Christ
4. at p. 146. The Adoration of the Magi
5. at p. 227. The Resurrection of Christ
6. at p. 247. The Ascension of Christ
7. at p. 301. A Saint before the judgment-seat of a King. In the background
the crucifixion of the Saint Marked : ia.
8. at p. 436. Peter surrounded by male and female saints.
9. at p. 453. Anna and Joachim before the Golden Gate. Marked : ia.
10. at p. 601. Woodcut I repeated.
11. A small woodcut at p. 303 v., representing an allegory of Mary (Hortus
clausus, etc).
12. The armorial bearings of Christoph and ApoUonia, p. i.
II. The Marginal Decorations (frequently repeated) with ornaments and figures.
1-12. The 12 months : Genre representations in the Calendar.
13. Christ between Saints Christopher and ApoUonia.
14. Christ between six saints.
15. Christ with three saints, in medallions at the side.
16. The Madonna, between three youthful saints.
17. The Madonna, between Saints George and Sebastian.
18. The Madonna, between four youthful saints.
19. The Holy Trinity and four angels.
20. The Ascension of Christ ; below are three aposUes.
21. The Washing of Feet. Over that is a turkey with the emblems of Christ's
passion ; above are Christ and a disciple.
22. The Last Supper.
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23. The Resurrection.
24. The doubting Thomas.
25. Augustus and the Sybil, with Madonna above.
26. Medallions of the four Fathers of the Church.
27. Medallions with Matthew and Luke.
28. Medallions with John, Ambrose, Augustine, and Luke.
29. Medallions with Matthew, Gregory, Jerome, and Mark.
30. Medallions with Jeremiah, Habakkuk, Daniel, and Jonah.
31. Medallions with Athanasius, Gregory Nazianzen, Basil and Chrysostom.
32. Monogram of Gr^orius de Gregorius, between the medallions with Mark
and John.
33. The Tiburtine, Erythean, Cumean, and Delphic Sybils.
34. The evangelistic symbols, ox and lion.
35. Ornament with a pelican.
36. Ornament with a phoenix.
37. Ornament : woman with an unicorn.
In addition to all these, the text is adorned with countless figures, ornamental
initials, and with small woodcuts placed before the same.
In the Buda-Pesth copy there is written on the first blank page, and again on the
back side of it, in a sixteenth-century handwriting : —
''das puoch gehört in der piitrich regelhaus Schwester barwra Ruodolffin'' (this
book belongeth unto Sister Barbara Ruodolffin in the House of the Praying Order).
I subsequently find that this Breviary is also mentioned in the Due de Rivoli's
Bibliographie des livres ä figures Venitiens de la fin du XV Sibcle et du commence-
ment du XVI (Paris 1892), where data are given concerning the use made of the
principal woodcuts in other illustrated works of the publisher Gr^orius.
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IV.
The Oration of Count Christoph addressed to Hadrian VI.
It is to the courtesy of Lionel Cust, Esquire, Director of the National Portrait
Gallery, that I am indebted for an accurate copy of the little printed pamphlet
addressed by Christoph Frangipani to Pope Hadrian, which, although without date
or the name of the publisher, was probably issued in 1523. Through the note in
the large Catalogue of Books in the British Museum, to which Geheimer-Hofrath
Zangemeister in Heidelberg kindly referred me, I first learned of the existence of
this, as it appears, very rare Latin print, which, according to Mr. Cust's report, is
carelessly and inaccurately executed and in the British Museum bears the signature
835. f. 12 (2).
On the title-page may be read —
Oratio ad Adrianum
Sextum Pont, Max. Christophori
de Frangepanihus Veg. Seg.
Modrusieque Comitis etc.
I give in the following pages a translation of this oration, which is composed in
Latin that is little short of classical — but at the same time vividly expressed — and
the Memorial which is appended to it. In reproducing the document concerning
the Frangipani's enfeofment with S^;na by Bela III., I have in several instances
corrected words in the Latin — which were evidently garbled in printing — exactly
according to the text
The Oration addressed to Pope Hadrian VI.
by Count Christoph von Frangipani.
In truth, O Holiest Father, the joy over thy election to the Papacy hath filled
the Christian world both far and wide, upon which thy wholly unique learning,
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thy rare piety, exalted uprightness, and incomparable holiness have shed such a clear
light that through the brilliance of so many and great distinctions it will easily be
illumined: could, however, the wishes and joyful expressions of all Christians be
gathered together and compared one with another, those of the Croatians would by
far form the richest portion thereof, because they dwell in a neighbourhood in which
the greater is their fear of the inhuman tyrants who oppress them, the larger is the
hope which they set upon thee, thou most worthy successor of Christ As thou on
the Calends of December didst exhort my father Bemardinus Frangipani, through
letters, to withstand bravely and steadfastly the encroachments of the Turks upon the
land, and rather to create hope through the heroism of the few than to inspire fear
because of the number of the enemies' forces ; thou wilt therefore surely not cease
to collect the pecuniary means towards this end from all sides, in that thou wouldst
gladly spend all in repulsing the barbarity and enterprises of this most horrible
enemy. And, thanks to these epistles, we feel our courage and our powers so
strengthened that no undertaking of the enemy, however great, will be able to
weaken or to break the joyful endurance of the Croatians. Did but my Father's
health, great age, and the discomforts of the long journey permit, he would himself
have personally expressed this great joy to thee, because he was so consumed by the
desire to see thee, and to cast himself at thy most holy feet, that he thought only to
delay the journey a little, till he should feel stronger and his body would the more
willingly endure the fatigue. One thing, however, he feeleth himself constrained to
hasten through me, his son ; namely, the refutation of the calumnies which, as he
understandeth, some have given themselves the trouble to lay before thee. There is,
however, no likelihood that Bemardinus — who would rather willingly sacrifice him-
self, his children, and his fatherland than open and betray the united Christian world
to the enemy — ^would make a treaty with the enemy — as though he sought, through
longing after strange property, to disturb the peace — because he himself through the
injustice of stronger powers was kept far from the possessions and the house of his
ancestors. In truth, O Holy Father, Bernardinus boastethof such forefathers that
he believeth himself to rank beneath no one in respect of nobility, or integrity, or
uprightness, or piety. From the days of his youth onward he hath so ordered his
life that no one could miss either in himself or his children the reasonableness and
good customs which beseem a nobly-bred family. Satisfied with what was his own, he
hath committed no violence, but hath certainly resisted the injustice which was done
him. Who would, however, endure it that the comitiate of Segna — ^which was more
than three hundred years ago purchased for money and justly and peacefully held by
the race of Frangipani — should be treacherously seized by King Matthias ! Attracted
by the favourable position of the place, Matthias, who was inflamed mth ah
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incredible longing after several of the islands owned by the Venetians, in order to
conquer them by arms, which was rightly denied him, entered into negotiations with
the Grandfather of my Father Bemardinus, to whom he was bound by the greatest
friendship, that the former should place Segna at his command for a short season,
till he should have made the islands his own. When the Frangipani later demanded
that Segna should be restored to him, his request was not granted a hearing;
yea, even Matthias' successor could in no way be brought to surrender it again.
Bemardinus then finally believed that he must re-win Segna by arms, since he could
not recover it by friendly means, and saw it, moreover, under an unjust lordship.
He therefore used his opportunity, and took Segna again, when no one looked for war
from the Frangipanis. Who now, I conjure thee to answer me, had broken the
peace? He who in treacherous deceit to friendship held Segna unjustly for himself,
or he who requested the return of the borrowed possession ? It is truly he who
broke friendship who must be held as the unjust aggressor. How then can he who
furthereth with weapons what he cannot attain through fair means, be accused of
unauthorised action, when he turneth his arms against him who hath possession
through theft? That Bemardinus, however, fell upon Segna at a time when extreme
fear of the Turks prevailed, is to be explained, Holy Father, by the fact, that no
other opportunity appeared to him quite so propitious. He believed also, that it
would aid him not a little if he fell upon the enemy when unprepared, or when other-
wise employed. Therefore, in my opinion, there is nothing which can be charged
against him as a trespass, as in that case we should regard as the sinner him who
resisted the injustice and not him who was guilty of it. Conceming the fire cast
into the church, a deed that is tmly unworthy of a human being, but for a Christian
.wholly criminal and godless, there would certainly be no excuse for such a crime,
were things which are not in our power, but occur, as it were, by accident, to be
regarded as folly. Bemardinus had surrounded the City of S^na with weapons,
pressed the walls with si^e, pierced them through with shot, and on the same
day on which the assault was begun, the city would have come into Frangipani's
possession, had not one of the shots, named ** bombarden," burst through its own
power. By an accident, as it were, the sulphurous powder for the cannon had been
placed near the church, and it is certain that apart from the shot what then took
place would not have occurred. A portion of the burst and burning shot was cast
m^htily into the powder, and straightway released such a flame that the roof of the
temple itself fell in, which could then through no exertion or aid be quenched.
And upon this resteth the complaint of a disturbance of the peace and of sacrilege !
But traly, we will make inquiry conceming this, as to who hath disturbed the peace,
who began the sacrilege? No war would have been made by Bemardinus had not
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Matthias disturbed peace and friendship ; no enmity would have arisen had not
Matthias in time past already sowed the seeds of hatred, whose fruit his successor
reaped. Should a man give occasion for trespass, he would clearly be the author
of the trespass itself. Matthias sowed the war, his successor led it and wearied the
patience and long-suffering of the Frangipanis : it was they therefore who broke
fealty, who caused the damage, who set fire to the church ; they are the trans-
gressors and profaners of God. For what other reason would the Frangipanis
then have destroyed the city which they themselves had adorned, or have demo-
lished the church which their forefathers had erected, in which so many lordly
monuments and the graves of their race were to be seen?
I will dwell no longer upon these particulars, Most Holy Father, in order that
it may not appear as if I mistrusted a just cause ; at the same time, the piety and
faith of the Frangipanis may be clearly perceived in the following narrative. This
being the case, that which is urged against the Frangipanis by the envious, that
they have made a covenant with the Turks and have bought peace by paying them
tribute — to spring such an accusation as this upon the Frangipanis, is as disgrace-
ful as the belief therein is unjust. But this family hath given many and great
tokens of its piety and fidelity. They have already for seventy years, since the
time that Constantinople fell into the power of the Turks, carried warfare against
this most inhuman people ; and they hold it to be for their true and lasting honour
to lend their name to such a combat, to do battle for the Christian faith, to be
vanquished for Christ's sake, and to drive back the Turks, not so much with arms
and weapons, as with the wall of their own body to bar the way against their
approach. Having therefore during so many years deemed it glorious and noble
to yield their blood and their lives for the protection of the general good, it will
readily be admitted, that they will now forsake naught thereof, especially as thou
thyself hast called them to defend the Christian name and support the faith which
Christ himself sanctified with his own blood. And should the most honourable
terms of peace, and the richest gifts also be offered them by the enemy, still their
deeds would in nowise because of these facts be approved. For let the conditions
be ever so honourable, the gifts be ever so sumptuous, the Frangipanis prize, and will
always prize more highly, reason, religion, and the general well-being of Christians,
than mountains of gold and of silver. They will either, fighting manfully, put the
enemy to flight, or, when conquered by their power, will rejoice to die in the heroic
combat for Christ. In truth. Most Holy Father, thou wilt of thyself consider to
what a decisive point matters have come, and what a battle lieth before us with
the inhuman brutes ! The enemy already standeth before the door adorned with
trophies of victory from two cities, conquered but not beleaguered; namely.
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Taurinum and Rhodos, and because he hath wrested these — both of which were
outlying defences— from the Christians, he dwelleth in spirit in all Europe, and is
persuaded, trusting to his arms, followers, treasures, thoroughness and unity, that
all will be favourable and easy for him. But the Christians, even when alike in
other ways, are far beyond the soldiers of the enemy in heroism and courage, and
also in military discipline; but truly dissension leadeth all things to the worst
They use their swords against one another and weaken their forces through mutual
hatred and dissension; they display the spoils, and leave all things unprotected
before the onward march of the enemy, and he, thinking that the princes who
can withstand him are in the far distance, presseth against the approaches to
Italy itself, waging war in Croatia, Hungary, and Dalmatia, covering the fields with
soldiery driving men and herds away as his booty, and breaking down the fortresses
with his cannon. We, however, who are fewer in number, trusting in the situation
and the fortification of the places, go against the enemy, receive him with our
bodies, offer him keen resistance, bar the way before him, and do not hesitate to
sacrifice whatsoever the heroism of a few demandeth. We are, however, greatly
weakened through the loss of men who have been led away into captivity, and
already suffering the lack of everything, we shall, through pressure from the soldiers
and machines without, be slain in our homes by hunger. But in all this the one
hope remaineth that in this sorrowful, yea, well-nigh desperate position, scnne
protection will be afforded by thee, in that thou hast not ceased to exhort and
encourage us all, through the most affectionate epistles, to call to mind in
the present the heroism which we displayed in the past. Through thee we feel
wondrously inspired to great deeds ; we, unto whom nothing higher remaineth than,
as we have hitherto heroically fought, heroically also to die. O were it but possible
to end this great war, and that Italy, yea, all Europe, could be closed against the
enemy by our blood I But I fear me that our defeat will be merely the prelude to
the destruction of Italy and the other countries besides. We must now with the
greatest strength and by every means therefore resist the enemy, because his
attack will be broken and his fury weakened in the narrow defiles of Croatia, so
that he shall not be able with the full strength of his army to break out from thence,
overrunning all the fields and the neighbourhood together, for when he shall once
have fallen upon Italy, he can neither through defences nor with arms be uprooted
and driven out from it again. I would not. Most Holy Father, that thou shouldst
imderstand this otherwise than as I have said it, or shouldst think that I interest
myself more for the things of my Fatherland than for those of the general good.
Croatia indeed truly cannot be made to fall, without having Italy at the same time
fall with her; though as long as our Fatherland remaineth undisturbed, so long
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will misfortune have scant power to oppress Italy. But the means to prepare the
defence?— thou must confess that the most important of all things is this: that
money may be collected for the soldiers, and that money may be paid them. This
will reassure the people, this will raise the soldiers, this will enkindle fiery zeal.
Without money there is no counsel, no immediate help. This it is which the
Christian lands, peoples, and nations require and demand of thee. This last, how-
ever, comforteth me as the only hope ; but should it lead to death in despair, I die
mindful of my race, mindful of faithfulness, mindful of my Redeemer Christ And
I will leave behind me as a testimony unto all men, that I, accustomed to rule,
renounced it, preferring heroically to die rather than to serve in bondage.
I have spoken for the Frangipanis and have shown in what peril the affairs of
the Christians hang at present. In my opinion, there existeth neither a trespass
which can justly be laid to our charge, nor a reason why the care of Christian affairs
should not be zealously furthered. There now only remaineth for me to carry out
the task concerning which, before all else, I have come to speak with thee ; which
my Father would have expressed to thee in person — had his health permitted him to
undertake the long journey — a wish which he hath cherished beyond every other,
namely, to behold thee enthroned in highest majesty above the earth, and, prostrate
at thy most holy feet, to venerate and to adore thy presence. For the which cause
he entrusted me with this business, in order that I might bring thee greetings in his
name and my own, might wish the endurance of such saving happiness for thee and
for the world, and, falling down at thy feet in loyalty and humility, might honour
thee, give and dedicate to thee with a free will, ourselves, our children, and our
fortunes, whatsoever they may be. Suppliant and prostrate I venerate thee and
adore the immediate presence of God : ourselves with all that belongeth to us I
give, surrender, and yield up to thee, and beseech and conjure thee by thy faithful-
ness to look down upon us, to take us, whose loyalty and obedience thou knowest,
under thy guardianship and protection and to secure us deliverance ! I have said it.
MemoriaU ad S. et Beat D. D. N. Papam Adrianum XV Pont Max. et ad
Sacro. S. R. £. Reve. D. Cardinalium Consistorium.
Before all else : in humility lying at the feet of thy Holiness, my Father and
Lord, Bemardinus of Frangipani, Ferdinand his son, and I Christophorus, Count of
S^na, Veglia, and Modrusa, etc., his son, acknowledge the debt of obedience, and
commend ourselves humbly to thy Holiness.
Item. My Father and Lord, being hindered by his health from coming before
the countenance of thy Holiness, excuseth himself through us, and humbly com-
mendeth himself to thy Holiness,
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Item. Holy Father : the Counts, Barons, Nobles, and people of the Kingdom
of Croatia came unto my Father and said: Thou as the eldest and mightiest
among us and the best known and most renowned among the princes shalt with
all diligence urge our cause before our Most Holy Lord, the Pope, and the Holy
Apostolic See and the Christian Princes and Kings. Thou shalt relate to them
with what suffering, misfortune, oppression, and defeats we are without ceasing
plagued and tormented by the Turks : how the same fall upon our land and carry
us away into the cruelest captivity ; how, forsaken by all, we shall be compelled
either to leave our houses in peril, to roam in foreign lands, — going begging through
the world, — or to dose a treaty with the Turks and to serve them, should protection
and help be denied us by His Holiness. The efforts made by my Lord and Father
in the Imperial Diet in Nuremberg, in which the Councillors of the Holy Empire
promised help or protection — which promise, however, remained unfulfilled — are
verily a proof of these statements. For this reason it hath come to pass that the
Turks have gathered together a laige army of horsemen, and foot soldiers in equal
numbers have been stationed in the forests and in lonely wooded places. No
description sufficeth to express with what sufferings and through what countless
tortures of death we and those who belong to us perish under the cruel yoke and
the most tyrannous oppression of the Turks. The children are massacred before
the eyes of those who bore them, husbands before their wives; consorts and
maidens are dishonoured, sanctuaries and priests are profaned: all this. Holy
Father, must one behold in Croatia.
Item. Holy Father : Croatia is the wall of defence or the gate to Christendom,
especially to the neighbouring provinces of Carinthia, Krain, Steyermark, Istria,
Friuli, and Italy. Should it be overcome (which God forbid), the aforementioned
miseries would press upon the surrounding countries, and the way thither would
stand open to the Turks. For if they shall once have Croatia, there are no more
rivers, or mountains, or seas to be crossed, and greater danger is threatened than
through the late losses suffered by Christendom of Taurinum, Belgrade, and Rhodos.
Item. Holy Father : Croatia can for the moment be held and defended with two
thousand horsemen and one thousand foot soldiers of the country, till God disposeth
otherwise, and thy Holiness provideth that along the highways and throughout the
whole Hungarian Kingdom soldiers shall be kept in readiness who could be brought
to Italy in the course of a day and a night, from the harbours of Croatia, and led
to Ancona in the border country for the protection of Italy and of all.
Item. Holy Father: may thy Holiness and the Holy Apostolic See give
credence unto us poor Croatians — it is our hope that this may not be denied us —
and grant us protection, and thus set an example to all other Christian Princes and
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Kings. Should this not come to pass, we will lift up our complaints before God.
For nigh unto seventy years we have with our few forces, without any support from
the Christian Princes, withstood the power of the Turks unto the present day ; a
thing which hath happened in no other Kingdom. To continue this longer without
aid will be impossible for us, as we suffer the lack of all things ; and if left with but
fidelity and good courage to sustain us we are lost. That we with such power as we
had have not achieved everything, Holy Father, surely cannot be reckoned against
us. Time and our deeds shall be our witnesses.
Item. Holy Father: upon my return to Croatia, after the decision of thy
Holiness and of this Holy Apostolic See, will hang either the despair (which God
forbid) or the hopes of the Croatians !
Prmlege of the Possession of the City of Segna — granted to the illustrious
noblemen Counts of Frangipani and secured to them by five Hungarian Kings :
now in the hands of Count Christoph, son of the illustrious Lord, Count Bemardinus
of Frangipani, who supplicateth his Holiness the Pope, Hadrian VI., that the same
Privilege may be read aloud in the Consistorium.
Bela Dei gratia Ungarie Dalmatie Croatie Rame Servie Gallicie Ladomerie
Cumanieque Rex omnibus Christi fidelibus presentes scriptum inspecturis Salutem,
In eo per quem regnant Reges, et prindpes tenent terram Regie sublimitati
convenit, omnium nationum, pariter et linguarum, sibi devote adherentium, taliter
providere, ut alii supervenientes eorum Exemplo invitati, ad fidelitatis opera,
ardentius et ferventius evocentur proinde, ad universorum notitiam, tam presentium,
quam futurorum, harum serie volumus, pervenire. Quod cum propter scelera,
omnium hominum, in regno nostro degentium, qui istigante, antiqui hostis, humani
generis inimico, abundaverat et plusquam arena maris multiplicaverat nolens deus
eorum malitiam impune pertransire, rabiem Tartarice gentis, excitavit per quam
potentiam sue deitatis, genti perfide onderet (sic) et eos de terra deleret propter
quorum et peccata (?) et nobis suam miam elogaverat, ut per ipsos tartarus in
campestri prelio convincti fugeque presidio, maritimas adeuntes partes, et agrorum
latibula comorantes, ubi cum summa nostrorum fidelium, more Rakel plangeremus,
quia eorum solatio fuimus destituti. pater miarum et deus totius consolationis, qui
consolatur suos in omni tribulatione. et nobis fontem mie aperire dignatus est et ad
consoiandum nos, Federicum, et Bartholomeum de Frangepanibus 111. et strenuos
viros, Nobiles de V^. quasi de celo projedt qui nobis cum omni eorum parentela
adherentes icer act (sic) promiscuas, exhibuerunt facultates et non modicam
pecuniam, eorum que ultra XXV marcarum millia transcendunt, qui incisis aureis
et argentis, et aliis rebus prenotis, nobis de bonis eorum presentaverunt et
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176
presentando donaverunt. Demum nos cum a nobis Deus suam mdignationem
amoverit, recompensantes eorum servitia, et dona, de consilio Domine marie
charissime consortis nostre, et Baronum nostronim fidelium, quandam civitatem,
manentem drca litus maris, existentem, Segni vocatam cum omnibus suis utilitatibus
et pertinentiis, universis simul cum tributo seu theloneo et aliis circumstantiis in
eadem libertate sicut nobis servire consueverat dedicimus, donavimus et contulimus
ipsis Federico et Bartholomeo in filio filiorum perpeto et irievocabiliter possidendum
hec et specificantes quod si quis heredem careret heredes alterius finaliter valeant
possidere ut igitur nostre coUationis pies (?) perpetua finnitate solidetur presentes
concessimus eisdem duplicibus Sigilli nostri munimine roboratas Datum per manus
discreti viri, magistri Fercasii electi albensis, aule nostre vicecancelarii dilecti et
fidelis nostri anno Domini 1 260 regni autem nostri anno 20.
j^
Literature.
A. Manuscripts.
Marino Sanuto : Dtarii. Venedig, Marciana. Passim.
Cronaca Stefano Magno. Venedig, Marciana. cl. VII, cod. DXIII. Vol. L 16
(History of Count John Frangipani, 1387).
Cronaca Venier: Family Register. Concerning the Frangipanis. Venice,
Mardana. d. VII, cod. DCCXI.
Cronaca Zancarolai Family Register. Relating to the Frangipanis. Venice,
Mardana. cl. VII, cod. MCCLXXIV.
Marc Antonio Michitl: Diarii. Venice, Museo Correr. Codex Cicogna N. 1022.
p. 109, no, III, 117, 118, 159.
Marino Sanuto : Le vite dei Dogi. Venice, Marciana. cl. VII, cod. DCCC.
Cronaca della Isola di Veglia et della Famiglia Frangipani. Scritta da Antonio
Vinciguernu Venice, Marciana. cl. XI, cod. LXV.
Die Papiere der Familie Lang im Privatarchiv der Grafen Wolkenstein in Trient
S. Beilage.
Documents in the Archives of Venice. See Appendix.
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177
B. Venetian Literature.
Concerning the Frangipanis^ especially Christoph^ his Combats in
Friuli and Captivity.
Marino Sanuto : Diarii. Printed edition. The same in all volumes. Christoph's
combats and imprisonment: in Vols. XVII. to XXVII. Continued
in the following volumes to XXXIX. Venice, 1879, et seq.
Äfaäpiero: Annali, im Archivio storico 1843 t. VII. I. 143, II. 211, 248, 349, 436,
486, 488, 493, 506 (chiefly concerning Bemhardin Frangipani).
Z^//^^ suUa guerra combattuta nel Friuli dal 1510 al 1528 scritte alia Signoria di
Venezia da Girolamo Savorgnano, publicate ed illustrate per cura di
Vincenzo Joppi. Archivio storico italiano. II. serie II, p. II pag. 16
e seg. III p. I pag. 3 e seg. IV p. I pag. 13 e seg.
Zeiten storiche di Luigi da Porto deir anno 1509 al 1528 publicate per Cura di
Bartolommeo Bressan. Firenze, Le Monnier, 1857.
Giov. Franc. Palladio: Historia della Provincia del Friuli. Udine, 1660.
Diarii Udinesi: dall' anno 1508 al 1541 di Leonardo e Gregorio Amaseo. In:
Monumenti storici publicati dalla R. Deputazione Veneta di storia
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Commercio, 1862.
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Rawdon Brown : Ragguagli sulla vita e suUe opere di Marin Sanuto. Venice, 1837.
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Pietro Giustiniani: Historie Veneziane 1576. Venice.
Nicolb Doglioni: Historia Venetiana. Venice, 1598.
Pauli Jovii Elogia Virorum bellica virtute illustrium. Basel, 1575 (Alviano p. 219).
The work of Gustav Wenzel^ written in Hungarian, in which the most
important data relative to Christoph's captivity in Venice had already been
published, I was not able to read, because of the language. It is entitled :
Frangepan Kristdf fogsdga (Christoph Frangipani's Captivity in Venice),
published in the M. Akademiai Ertesito 185 1, p. 329 (The Hungarian
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Romanin: Storia documentata di Venezia. 1 853-1 861. Vol. V.
12
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Der Weisskunig Kaiser Maximilian's. Published by Alwin Schultz in the
*' Jahrbuch der kunsthist. Sammlungen des Allerhöchsten Kaiser-
hauses," VI Band. Wien, 1888.
C. Concerning the Later Events in the Life of
Count Christoph.
Oratio ad Adrianutn Sextum Pont. Max, Christophori de Frangepanibus Veg,
Seg. Modrusieque Comitis. Undated. In the British Museum in
London. (Compare Catalogue of Printed Books) 835. f. 12 (2). See
translation in the Appendix.
Joannis Zermegh Rerum gestarum inter Ferdinandum et Joannem Hungariae
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Himgaricanim vol. II. p. 385 et seq.
Monumenta Hungariae hisiorica, Mon. comitalia regni Hungariae I Budapest
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Joh. Karl SchüHer : Georg Reicherstorfer und seine Zeit In: Archiv fur Kunde
österreichischer Geschichtsquellen. XXI Bd. S. 229.
Gtvay: Urkunden und Aktenstücke zur Geschichte der Verhältnisse zwischen
Osterreich, Ungarn und der Pforte im XVI u. XVII. Jahrhundert
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Gtvay: Urkunden und Aktenstücke zur Geschichte von Ungarn im Jahre 1526.
Wien, 1845.
Bethlen^ Wolffgangus : Rerum Transylvanicarum libri IV.
Istvdnffi: Regni Himgarici historia. Köln, 1685.
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österr. Gesch. 1878. Bd. LVII. 1-172.
Kertbeny: Bibliografie der ungar. und internationalen Literatur I, 1880. Budapest,
p. 340.
Ignaz Aureiius Fessler: Geschichte von Ungarn. Leipzig, Brockhaus, 1874. III
Band.
Joh, IV, Zinkeisen: Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches in Europa. 1854.
Hammer: Geschichte des osmanischen Reiches. II Band.
Jaszay : A magyar nemzet napjai a mohäcs (The History of the Hungarian Nation
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D. Concerning Matthew Lang.
Marino Sanuto: Diarii.
Zimmern'sche Chronik, Bibl. des literar. Vereins in Stuttgart XCII. Hsg. von
Dr. K. A. Barack. II Band, p. 419.
Joh, David Köhler^ s Münzbelustigung 1731. III. p. 25.
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Chronik von Salzburg, Von Judas Thaddäus Zauner. Salzburg, 1800. Bd. IV.
p. 309 ff. u. Bd. V.
Antiquarische Reise von Augusta nach Viara von Dr. von Raiser, p. 18 ff. (Con-
cerning Wellenburg).
Anton Ritter von Schallhammer: Vermächtniss des Matthäus Lang in den
Mittheilungen für Salzburger Landeskunde. VI. Jahrg. 1866, p. 21 ff.
Alqys Schopf: Ein Diplomat Kaiser Maximilians I. Wien, 1882.
Batterer: Des Cardinais imd Erzbischofs von Salzburg M. L. Verhalten ziu*
Reformation. Freising, 1890.
Heinrich ülmann : Kaiser Maximilian I. Stuttgart, 1884.
E. Concerning the Altar Piece in Ober-Vellach.
Kareivan Mander: Het Schilderboek 16 18.
Mittheilungen der K, K. Centralcommission für Kunst-und historische Denkmale,
n. F. 5, XL, n. F. 7, XLIX.
Carljusti: Jan Schoreel. Jahrbuch d. K. preuss. Kunstsammlungen IL
A, von Wurzbach : Zeitschrift für bild. Kunst XVIII. p. 46 ff.
Hann: Klagenfurter Gymnasial-Programm 1888.
A, von Jaksch : Die ScorePsche Altartafel zu Ober-Vellach und ihre Stifter. In
"Neue Carinthia" II. Heft 1890.
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